Ladies and gentlemen, colleagues, ever since I accepted to serve in the public sphere, I have considered that briefings of the Standing Committees is of exceptional importance in the setting of foreign policy, and I thank you for responding to our proposal for this briefing.
So, it is with great pleasure that we begin today our cooperation between the Foreign Ministry and the Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defense. Already, last Thursday, as you know, there was a meeting of the European Affairs Committee with the competent Deputy Minister, Mr. Dimitris Kourkoulas, who is with us again, and from what I know and have learned, the debate took place in a particularly constructive and positive climate. I think you will agree with me that this period that our country is going through – Europe and our surrounding region, the geopolitical environment within which our country exists, on the level of political changes and turmoil – is a time for all the political parties to find a common course for the good of our country, for the good of Greece.
The state of affairs is truly difficult. Difficult from a social perspective, but also from the international relations standpoint. The changes taking place at breakneck speed in the Mediterranean and Middle East region are very serious, and it is still too early to say or predict with certainty what developments will come or what their real impact will be on the future. Cautious, targeted and studied moves are called for.
The geopolitical map may change in the coming years. This makes it necessary for us to ensure, as a state and a nation, our domestic unity and cohesion, which is unfortunately being challenged today in the midst of a general crisis. And we also need to decide, shaping policies, on the course Greece must follow, not only during the crisis, but after it, into the coming decades.
Soon we will initiate the proceedings of a Special Committee of Scientists, Academics and Diplomats, which will be convened within a specific time to prepare and submit a proposal for the foreign policy of our country, which, following so many changes that have taken place in the world and in our wider region, cannot stay the same. This Committee, which will start some time early in the new year, will be in ongoing contact with the political parties, the competent parliamentary committees and agencies within and outside Greece, so that it can carry out its mission. Of course, the Prime Minister and Parliament will have the final word.
Unfortunately, the crisis has left its mark on every aspect of state activity, and foreign policy is no exception. But despite the unfavourable state of affairs, I want to make it clear from the outset that the hard core of the country’s vital interests in the diplomacy sector have not been compromised. Greece remains an important and acknowledged factor for stability and security in an extremely fluid geopolitical and geostrategic environment. We had the opportunity to stress this many times in the past, and, naturally, in my previous capacity as Defense Minister, I set it as a priority that everyone should see that the crisis is not impacting in any way the role history holds for our country.
In spite of the crisis, our country continues to have both the means and the resolve to meet the challenges in its immediate neighbourhood and to maintain its national sovereignty unscathed. But this does not mean that the status and image of our country has not suffered. Greece must regain its credibility as soon as possible and rehabilitate it international image. This is a top priority for the Foreign Ministry, because it is a necessary condition for emerging from the crisis, jumpstarting the economy, regaining trust and, of course, attracting investments.
The Foreign Ministry has completed an initial study on the national strategy for the development and promotion of our national image and the identity of modern Greece. The foreign Ministry can operate as a lever for regaining our country’s positive image. But we need support, help, cooperation, and one of the aims of today’s meeting is to support Greece’s foreign policy in the goals it has set. And you will agree with me that everyone in this hall, all the political forces, have a share of responsibility and will be judged by history, as experience has shown, on the extent of our participation in overcoming the dangers and, mainly, in achieving the specific goals for the country’s recovery. The goal is to coordinate the strategy for upgrading our country through a central message that will be tailored for given sectors and activities by the competent agencies – for instance, tourism or investments.
The financial situation, as I said earlier, has unquestionably limited the options we have as compared to the past. The Foreign Ministry has capable, tested and experienced staff who are surpassing themselves in carrying out their mission, despite the fact that the financial state of affairs, the crisis, unfortunately tends to discourage them and weaken their role. I am in a position to know, after three months at the Foreign Ministry, that the human resources of all the divisions, and first of all the Diplomatic Service, are on the front line in the collective national effort to help our country find its pace again, its orientation, and, mainly, the important role it has.
But at the same time we have to modernize the institutional framework within which the Foreign Ministry operates, and of course rationalize its expenditures. We are trying to do this through the suspension of operations of some of our representations abroad – without, of course, creating any vacuums – shifting responsibilities to our embassies in neighbouring countries.
This has happened before, in the past. That is, in the effort to economise in the midst of a crisis, operations were suspended, but in a targeted manner, so as not create a lapse in our presence. We are assisted by the fact that today, with developments in the sector of transport, with the developments in the new technologies, we can make such moves.
At the same time – and despite the fact that some services abroad will be shut down – we are looking at opening more flexible services elsewhere, with fewer staff, but with a specific mission that has to do with what I said earlier: the promotion of investments and creating bridges with countries that, unfortunately, in the past were beyond Greek foreign policy’s field of vision.
The Committee will be briefed on all of this frequently, and be assured that every view or thought you have will be appreciated and assessed in our effort to make everything we do a benefit to the national dimension of our foreign policy. In parallel, and because there are some unused buildings abroad, these will be sold by the public sector to bring additional funds into our national budget.
Allow me now to turn to the vital and current issues Greek foreign policy is confronting. We start with Cyprus. The Cyprus issue remains of extreme, top priority. The economic crisis will not impact our stance on this. The framework for a solution of the Cyprus issue and its content, as you know, is determined by the resolutions of the Security Council and Cyprus’s membership in the EU.
I believe that Ankara made a strategic error when it did not exploit the Cypriot EU Presidency and the discovery of hydrocarbons in the Cypriot EEZ to normalize its relations with the Republic of Cyprus and to bring about a speedy, mutual and beneficial solution of the Cyprus issue. Unfortunately, the deep state is powerful and mired in the past.
We are moving – and I want you to be aware of the this – constantly in close coordination with Cyprus. I remind you that my first official visit abroad was to Nicosia, while last week I had talks here in Athens with my Cypriot counterpart, Erato Markoullis.
Next week, the Cyprus issue will be a principal subject in my meetings with the UN Secretary General and my colleagues, on the margins of the UN General Assembly in New York City. We will continue to support the sovereign rights of the Republic of Cyprus and the efforts to continue the agreed negotiation process, because, of course, there is no other path than that of talks within the UN framework.
With regard to Turkey, Greece consistently stands for stability and security in our wider region, pursuing relations of cooperation and good neighbourliness with all our neighbours, including Turkey, based always on respect for the principles of international law and national sovereignty.
And it is within this framework that we have consistently supported the European perspective of our neighbouring country, under the strict condition, of course, of compliance with the terms and prerequisites set down in the decisions of the European Union. On the bilateral level, the High Level Cooperation Council with Turkey is a useful mechanism for promoting cooperation in important sectors of so-called “low policy”. I want you to know that the meetings will continue, and soon we will be visited by Turkish Foreign Minister Davutoglu, so that we can determine the issues to be discussed at the next Cooperation Council, which will be taking place in Ankara and Istanbul this time.
But progress in sectors like trade and tourism, though mutually beneficial, does not suffice for the building of trust and the full normalization of Greek-Turkish relations. The violations of our national airspace, the violations of air traffic regulations and Greek national waters continue, while in the sector of illegal migration, as well, there needs to be – there must be – better cooperation. What is needed is a definitive end to all the violations, the claims on Greek sovereignty and jurisdiction.
We need to see an end, at long last, to conduct rooted in other eras; conduct that is inconsistent with international provisions and international security procedures; conduct that cultivates friction and tension. We need to see the lifting of the casus belli, a remnant of bygone eras and mindsets that is in direct opposition to the UN Charter.
Also within the framework of our desire for progress in Greek-Turkish relations are our efforts to resolve the dispute over the delimitation of the continental shelf with Turkey. And that is why the exploratory talks will continue. We have to exhaust every margin for dialogue so that we can come to stable, viable and beneficial solutions that fully protect our sovereign rights.
The exclusive economic zone issue is not being considered in isolation, but within the broader framework of the enactment and delimitation of sea zones, in accordance with the provisions of international law, and specifically the 1982 International Convention on the Law of the Sea. Greece’s strategic goal is the delimitation of all sea zones with all its neighbours, a development that will contribute to the consolidation of stability and development in our region.
Greece is not relinquishing any sovereign right, and naturally the declaration of its EEZ is no exception. In this context, the enactment of the EEZ in the Greek sea space is a sovereign right that our country is determined to exercise, but we will do so following good preparation within the framework of our broader strategy.
I also want to stress that Greece remains a firm supporter of the rights of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Greek community in Turkey, closely monitoring the developments that concern them. In recent years, the Turkish political leadership, within the framework of domestic reforms and the accession process, has proceeded to certain positive gestures towards the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the non-Muslim minorities, for the reparation of arbitrary and unjust actions of the past. But much remains to be done, and I would like here to refer to the Halki Seminary and the creation of those conditions that would allow and facilitate the return of our fellow Greeks to their hearths.
Regarding our immediate neighbourhood, Southeast Europe, the Balkans, the basic axis of Greece’s policy on Southeast Europe is the deepening of regional cooperation, strengthening of good neighbourly relations and, of course, promotion of the integration of the whole region into the European Union. This policy is aimed at consolidating peace, stability, reconciliation and development in Southeast Europe.
During the Greek EU Presidency in the first half of 2014, we will work to strengthen the enlargement process and impart fresh momentum to the European perspective of the Western Balkans, a fundamental goal of our policy. We know that this region – which has a history of crises, regression, civil wars, fanaticism – can be transformed into an oasis; an oasis of friendship and security, cooperation and a model for this region. But all this requires a great deal of work, and mainly that we find in our wider region collocutors who perceive the geopolitical future of this environment.
At this point I would like to propose to the Chairman that we schedule a joint session of the Committees on European and Foreign Affairs, this time with the participation of the Greek MEPs, so that we can discuss all the issues relevant to the developments in Europe and the Greek Presidency, in a follow-up to the briefing Mr. Kourkoulas provided for the competent Committee last week.
Now, with regard to the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. You are aware that the definitive resolution of the name issue is a goal of vital importance in our foreign policy, of vital importance to our country.
We support the negotiation process under the auspices of the UN, and we are participating in that process in good faith. Greece has shown at the negotiating table that it has done its share in full – and we should note that this was not at all easy.
What we need is a trusted collocutor, as I said earlier, on the other side; a collocutor who will leave behind the Balkan syndrome of the 19th century and – rather than using the name issue for domestic political capital, cultivating the nationalistic thinking so damaging to that country – realise the value, the truly great value, of our common course in the European family.
Relations with Albania are also among our priorities. It is a neighbouring country that is carrying out its own struggle for development and progress, and the nationalistic phenomena that have been on the rise in recent years offer anything but good services. We are linked by our common European future, and this is the basis of our vision for our relations with Albania. The depth of these relations confirms their huge potential.
In the economic sector, Greece remains the largest and most important foreign investor in Albania, and despite the fact that we are going through hard times, due to the economic crisis, our participation has not fallen off in the least, in the private sector, in the development and progress of this country.
The discussions on the energy link between the two countries with the TAP pipeline lend our relations a strategic dimension. At the UN General Assembly next week, among the many important meeting on my schedule, I will meet with the Albanian Foreign Minister.
We are longstanding supporters of our neighbour’s effort towards Euroatlantic and, now, European integration. In these relations, however, there are issue that must be dealt with. The issue of the Agreement of 2009 on the delimitation of Sea Zones must be settled with the implementation of all that was agreed upon. As I said earlier, the growing extreme nationalistic tendencies in Albania are worrying – whether in terms of their unfounded claims against our country, or even in terms of pressure on the Greek national minority – and are an attempt to overshadow the very broad range of common interests the two countries have. Our assessment is that the existing relations, though good, fall significantly short of their true potential.
It is thus our goal to reinvigorate our relations substantially. That is why I have invited my Albanian colleague to visit Athens soon, and today his visit was confirmed for the week after next. An important component in this effort is the presence of the Greek National Minority in Albania, the rights of whom must be respected. Albania’s European perspective and course are an added guarantee in that direction.
I now turn to the region of the Middle East and North Africa, to which I referred in my introductory remarks. Historically and geographically, this is a region of favoured Greek political and economic presence. The political landscape has been changing fast and dramatically over the past two years in many of these countries. The repercussions of the Arab Spring are becoming ever more apparent. The basic principles of our approach are, first, that the process of political transition in these countries is their affair. Second, the sensitivities and idiosyncrasies of each country, each people, must be understood and respected by all of us who – and we mean this when we say it – want to assist and help.
Greece is prepared to offer the new leaderships that are elected democratically every possible support in their efforts. In this spirit, as you know, I recently visited Egypt, a strategic partner in the region, together with my colleagues from Cyprus, Italy and Malta. We had a very interesting meeting with President Morsi.
But developments in the region have raised huge challenges. I am referring mainly to the Syrian crisis, which directly impacts global security. We promptly condemned and continue to condemn the use of raw violence by the regime against the Syrian people, and we are concerned in particular at the reports of a mass influx of foreign fighters and heavy weapons among the ranks of the opposition, given that the situation is no longer far from becoming an extremely bloody civil war. We believe that the regime has lost its legitimacy and that the way must be opened to the realisation of the democratic aspirations of the Syrian people.
At this point, our priority – and we have underscored this already, taking initiatives – is the protection of the Christian population of the region, which is being tested along with the rest of the Syrian population. For this reason, we are in ongoing contact with the Patriarchate of Antioch. Unfortunately, the escalating tensions in Syria have already impacted neighbouring countries and threaten to destabilise Lebanon, in particular, but also Jordan, due to the increasing flow of Syrian refugees. It is estimated that this month alone some 100,000 refugees have fled to Turkey, mainly, and to Jordan. It is urgent – as the international community and the European Union – that we support these countries so that they can manage the vast humanitarian needs that have arisen.
At this point I would like to note that a significant parameter of our policy in the Middle East is the deepening of our relations with Israel. This is a natural if, in my opinion, belated development, given that the interests of the two countries are complementary and our relations hold great potential for mutually beneficial cooperation.
There are those who thought that the development of our cooperation with Israel marked a change in stance on the peace process. This is a misinterpretation. This cooperation is not directed against any country in the region. Our role is clear: we are developing cooperation that serves peace and security. In the last fifty years, Greece has never functioned as a destabilizing factor, whether bilaterally or at the core of crises that were in progress or are in progress. We are a positive factor, and that is what the international community acknowledges our role as being. Everyone knows this, and we have made it clear in the bilateral talks we have with all these countries.
This is an initiative that is aimed at consolidating friendship, growth and good neighbourly relations in the region. What’s more, the theory of bilateral or multilateral axes directed against other countries is obsolete and counterproductive for those who adopt it. The fluidity in the region strengthens our conviction that it is more urgent than ever before that the Palestinian issue be resolved based on a two-state solution, with mutual recognition. We believe that it is only through substantial negotiations between the involved parties that peace and stability in the region can be achieved.
With regard to Iran, there is the issue of Iran’s nuclear programme; an issue of global interest with geostrategic implications. We believe that all margins for finding a diplomatic solution, through cooperation with Iran, must be exhausted, with the aim of re-establishing trust.
I would now like to move on to the major issue of energy. I want to note that the discovery of major natural gas deposits in the eastern Mediterranean changes the energy map of the region and of Europe, offering the potential for diversification of energy sources and supply routes. The exporting of Israeli and Cypriot natural gas to Europe via Greece will strengthen the cooperation of the three countries, creating new development prospects and consequently speeding up our country’s emergence from the crisis.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The crisis makes it imperative that we leave no opportunity unexploited, and that we create new opportunities and fields of cooperation with traditional partners and new partners. We mustn’t let the crisis limit us to our Balkan environs, because in the end, what I said at the outset is confirmed in practice. That is why our main priority is to rehabilitate our country’s international image, and we will need your assistance, your ideas and your help.
With regard to our relations with the U.S., the further deepening of Greek-American relations, which are, I would say, in one of their best periods, is a strategic priority in our foreign policy. It is vital, in the current economic crisis, that we share a common development vision for the international economy. And, of course, this is where the issue of the Greek community abroad – global Hellenism – comes in.
Greece’s positive image must be re-established in North America, as well, and among Hellenism there – the Hellenism that is the bridge linking us. Today we share the feelings of bitterness and discouragement of the Diaspora Greeks regarding our country’s international image. Perhaps for those who live outside of Greece, these impressions and feelings are stronger still. We will capitalize on the coming UN General Assembly to this end, in a series of meetings in New York City and other major cities in the U.S. The Deputy Minister for Greeks Abroad, Mr. Tsiaras, is already on a visit to San Francisco and Los Angeles.
I would like here to make a parenthetical comment regarding the relations of the Greek Diaspora with the Greek homeland. Instructions have already been given to the competent Deputy Minister to coordinate a major effort to reform the institutional framework governing the SAE, and here we will need assistance, experience and knowledge. We need a strong organization, and Greeks abroad can provide this, only the SAE must evolve as soon as possible into an organization that can impact decision-making centers, whether concerning the economy, policy or anything else. We still have human resources we are not utilizing: our human resources abroad.
And something else: You will agree with me that in these reforms we will provide for the depoliticization – in terms of party politics – of this organization. Diaspora Hellenism does not have the luxury of being divided by party politics. What we need to create is a national organization of global reach. We need a modern and flexible organization that really frees up the huge potential of global Hellenism, rather than limiting it. If you have no objection, I propose that we hold a special session of Parliament to discuss all of this.
With Russia – a political, economic, military and energy world power, the special weight of which is ever increasing – we are pursuing the upgrading of our political contacts at the highest possible level. In many sectors, including economic cooperation, trade, investments, tourism and energy, there is vast potential and opportunity that we must capitalize on to our mutual benefit.
The same holds true with regard to China. In an era when a revolution has taken place in recent decades with the globalized economy, we really can move even more dynamically. China is a Greek-friendly environment. Relations with a country of China’s special weight are of a strategic nature for Greece, with regard to critical national issues as well as the sector of bilateral economic cooperation. And as the Cosco investment has shown, China sees our country’s geopolitical position as very important, and there is potential for extending this cooperation.
In the sector of the economy and the overall development efforts our country is making today, the Foreign Ministry, as I said at the outset, can amplify these efforts. Sectors such as the strengthening of tourism, internationalization of enterprises and the promotion of investments and exports are at the top of our priorities. The Foreign Ministry is in close cooperation with all the collaborating Ministries that have to do with the international expression of our country: the Tourism Ministry, the Development Ministry, as well as the competent agencies in Greece, so that this sector, and tourism in particular, can maintain its dynamism. At the same time, measures have been taken to facilitate and speed up visa issuing procedures at our Consulates. The results we have already achieved are impressive, and the numbers speak for themselves. Equally important is economic diplomacy, which is exercised by the extensive network of Commercial Affairs bureaus active throughout the world. Each of these is a window of opportunity for the internationalization of Greek businesses.
Ladies and Gentlemen Colleagues,
There are many more initiatives we are working on intensively at the Foreign Ministry in order to return our country to its rightful position in the international system. And I hope that we have the opportunity to talk frequently, giving you the opportunity to participate substantially.
I would like to close, however, by underscoring that in the current conditions of national crisis, our foreign policy can and must – we need to realise this – open paths to economic growth, contribute to the creation of an environment of security and cooperation in the region and, most important of all, give us hope. As I said in the presentation of the government’s policy papers, we mustn’t forget that the strength of our country was and always is greater than its geographical size or its economic robustness.
Greece is always more independent and stronger when it is current and modern, when it has no fears or insecurities, when it doesn’t confuse national interests with party interests. In this spirit I will serve in my duties, pursuing cooperation and understanding with the Committee and the other important tool we have, the National Council on Foreign Policy, which, as you will have been informed, will convene on 8 October, following the UN General Assembly.
With that, I close my address. I thank you for your attention and the real and sincere interest you show in a foreign policy that will be effective and contribute substantially in this difficult state of affairs in our homeland; contribute to lifting our country’s international image and re-establishing Greece in its vital role in its geopolitical environment and the world over.
Thank you very much.
September 18, 2012