I would like to start by thanking the organizers for their kind invitation and congratulating them on this impressive event.
I must say I am deeply honored and touched to be back in Sofia. A city, I have associated with important moments in my professional and personal life.
I came to Sofia in 2001 as Ambassador – Head of the European Commission Delegation to Bulgaria.
What I found was a country in transition. A very painful transition.
What struck me the most was the aspirational nature of the people.
People longed to be part of the future and indeed of what was rightfully theirs: a place in the heart of Europe.
This is what EU membership was really all about.
A confirmation of this country’s historic place in European history.
And with the Cyrillic alphabet becoming one of EU’s official alphabets.
I feel immensely proud that my term in Sofia coincided with the completion of Bulgaria’s accession negotiations with the European Union.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Today, I am here under a different mandate.
Greece has traditionally supported the European aspirations of Balkan countries.
It was during a previous Greek EU Presidency that the road of membership was established.
We strongly feel that it is best to be surrounded by countries which share the same values, the same institutional norms and principles. It is only then that we can fulfil our full potential and collective ambitions. The strategic relations that exist today between Bulgaria and Greece would not have been possible if Bulgaria were not an EU member state.
Enlargement has always been and continues to be a top priority for Greece.
In this context, the forthcoming Greek Presidency will be committed to promoting the enlargement priorities of the Union.
The sceptics, both inside and outside the EU, will ask whether, under the circumstances, enlargement in the Western Balkans is still in anybody’s interest.
While the EU is facing an economic crisis and is more focused on internal issues, why should it seek further expansion?
And why should countries in the Western Balkans seek admission into a Union that does not any longer appear to be infallible and whose resilience continues to be tested?
From the perspective of potential members, the EU provides the only means of translating common values and principles into high standards for citizens, through respect for citizens’ rights, labour rights, anti-discrimination laws, consumer protection and environmental standards.
The EU also enables European countries to address the great challenges of globalization together, which is the only way to accomplish this.
In terms of achieving growth, employment, security, energy sufficiency and promoting trade, no one can manage better alone than from within the EU. The EU is based on the principle of solidarity among member states, which has been honoured more often than not, and has achieved peace for the longest period in European history.
Although the unprecedented current economic crisis has called for drastic structural reforms and despite the fact that internal cohesion has often been tested, the simple truth is that the EU remains the only good option for European countries.
From an EU standpoint there is already an established political commitment to further enlargement. But it is also about pursuing EU interests. The EU cannot exclude the Western Balkans from the European Project without undermining its own efforts, and it cannot ignore the fact that SE Europe has the capacity to contribute greatly and concretely to the EU’s strengths.
In the past decade SE Europe has moved closer to the EU. Three more countries in the region have acceded to the EU and two have opened accession negotiations. Serbia will shortly become the third, while the rest hoping to follow suit.
From an economic, geostrategic and even a security standpoint, geographical fragmentation is not to the benefit of the EU.
However, one has to be realistic. Enlargement policy must be seen in the context of the continuing EU internal change. The fact that the EU is itself engaged in painful internal reforms and that uncertainty is still an issue means that the accession process will tend to be more thorough and the conditionality more rigorous.
Greece is assuming the Presidency of the Council during what could be called a transitional phase for Europe.
The debt crisis has necessitated the adoption of a tight fiscal policy in order to safeguard monetary stability. The extent of the crisis and of the associated recession and unemployment has undermined the confidence of EU citizens in the very idea of European integration.
Furthermore, social cohesion has suffered enormously, in particular in the countries where the effects of the crisis are more pronounced.
Naturally, the legitimacy that EU institutions enjoyed was traditionally an ex post outcome.
As long as Europe was delivering sustained growth, stability and employment, the support of European citizens remained unqualified and constant.
Unfortunately, this is not situation we are facing now.
As a result, for the first time we see consistent Eurosceptic attitudes throughout the Member States. We consider this to be a worrisome trend that needs to be addressed, especially in light of the upcoming European Parliament elections.
However, we need to take a hard, critical look at what went wrong, and to address it as soon as possible.
Put simply: We need to rethink Europe.
Eurosceptic attitudes cannot be separated from the democratic deficit of European institutions.
From 2008 onwards, as the crisis unfolded, a different institutional framework was gradually formed. That framework had almost nothing in common with the institutional framework as described in the existing treaties, namely in the EU primary law after the Treaty of Lisbon.
That institutional framework had intense intergovernmental, but not EU community, characteristics.
The Eurozone was actually cut off from the EU institutional mechanisms and guarantees, namely from the competences of the European Parliament.
In fact, none of the European Parliament’s competences has anything to do with the critical decisions made all the time by the Eurogroup, as a body that expresses the political will of the governments that make up the Eurozone.
These are issues which need to be addressed sooner rather than later.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Political Priorities of the Greek Presidency
Inevitably the Political Priorities of each Presidency reflect the spirit of the times.
As such, we have decided to focus on the issues which are most pertinent but also seem to affect the greatest number of people.
Ultimately, our hope is to contribute in the reaffirmation of the European project in the hearts and minds of the people of Europe.
1. Growth- Employment –Cohesion
For most member states the most pressing issue stemming from the present crisis is unemployment. Youth unemployment in particular has multifaceted repercussions which are particularly troubling.
Therefore an emphasis on growth as the only viable, long-term solution to the problem of unemployment underpins all thematic priorities of the Presidency.
Our aim is to balance the necessary fiscal consolidation with the implementation of a reinforced and realistic Compact on Growth and Employment, which can be transformed into a multifaceted European investment program, with an emphasis on the creation of new jobs.
2. Deepening the Union / Completing the Eurozone
Countering the repercussions of the financial crisis in the Eurozone and the new EMU architecture constitutes, by definition, part of the priorities of the Greek Presidency.
The primary aim here is to safeguard the stability of the common currency through the reinforcement of the EMU and the ex ante coordination of national policies.
In this context, emphasis will be placed on
a) the promotion of the Banking Union as the primary tool for the efficient functioning of the EMU and a condition for the reinforcement of trust and liquidity in the European economy.
During the tenure of the Greek Presidency we hope to have good progress on the establishment of the Single Resolution Mechanism (SRM).
b) Particular emphasis needs to be placed on the social dimension of the Eurozone.
This dimension is particularly relevant given the demographic and financial crisis of the European social state.
3. Immigration, Borders and Mobility
The precarious situation in the immediate vicinity of EU borders increases the pressure on Member States at a time when there is an urgent need for stability and growth.
The repercussions of these trends are more pronounced for Member States on the EU borders under conditions of recession and high unemployment.
In this context, the aim of the Greek Presidency is to enhance efforts demonstrating the benefits of a comprehensive European approach to the management of migratory flows in boosting economic growth.
In particular:
Borders
The main ambition of the Greek Presidency is to contribute in the development of a comprehensive multi-level approach to border management while enhancing prevention actions in third countries (both as points of origin and transit).
In this context the Greek Presidency will promote the application of the Common European Asylum System, with an emphasis on measures enhancing solidarity for Member States experiencing particular migratory pressures.
Mobility
The Greek Presidency will also palace emphasis upon mobility, as a concept directly related not only to migration but also to various other policies (EU visa policy, Strategic Partnerships, EU Competitiveness, etc.).
We are confident that a broader approach will contribute positively to the aims of Agenda 2020.
Maritime Policy
Greece, as a traditional maritime country, understands and appreciates the opportunities stemming from maritime activities for the EU economy as a whole. In this context, EU Maritime Policy will be the horizontal thematic priority of the Greek Presidency.
The main aim involves the redefinition of Maritime Policy with the inclusion of all relevant aspects, and not just those with a narrow growth potential, but also energy and security aspects.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I started by recalling some snippets from my experience in Bulgaria almost a decade ago.
I must say that I see strong parallels with the situation that confronts Europe today.
Everywhere I go I see people who are not satisfied with their predicament.
The crisis has hit Europe hard.
Europeans want change, they aspire to a better future for themselves and their children.
They believe that Europe can deliver.
For Europe, recovery is within sight. However, we need to be vigilant and intensify our efforts.
My hope is that 2014 will prove to be the year that Europe pulled itself out of the crisis, more united, stronger and more open than ever before.
Thank you for your attention.
October 18, 2013