JOURNALIST: What are the goals of the Hellenic Presidency of the Council of the EU in the first half of 2014?
E. VENIZELOS: The upcoming Hellenic Presidency of the Council of the EU – our fifth presidency since our country joined the united Europe – gives us the opportunity to promote Greece as an institutionally equal member state, beyond the crisis, the Memorandum and the discussions of fiscal and financial figures.
You will be aware, of course, that, following the Lisbon Treaty, the rotating six-month Presidency has a limited portfolio compared to before, due to the existence of the institutionalized permanent presidencies, as well as of the de facto permanent presidency of the Eurogroup, regarding countries of the eurozone. Moreover, this Greek Presidency is also exceptional for its limited parliamentary duration, due to the upcoming European elections in May.
Fortunately, however, the Greek Presidency will be followed by the Italian Presidency, with whom we are coordinating in order to formulate a European Mediterranean year, which will emphasize priorities that point up the notion of the European south, in the political, rather than geographical, sense of the term.
Now, our general policy priorities during the Hellenic Presidency, as decided by the ministerial council, focus on four areas:
The first is that of growth, employment and social cohesion. This means that we will endeavor to promote community texts and initiatives that are linked to our national needs. So our goals are to resolve the major problem of liquidity, for credit to be given to enterprises, so that investments can be made. The danger of having growth without credit and new jobs must be avoided. And of course we will keep working on the number-one problem of youth unemployment, trying – among other things – to utilize NSRF funding early on in the programme.
The second area is the integration and deepening of Eurozone and EU economic governance. The major issue here is the Banking Union, concerning which major steps have been taken with regard to the single supervisory mechanism. But this will not suffice. Now there is discussion of a single mechanism for the recapitalization and resolution of banks. But what is also needed is a single European mechanism for protection of deposits. We should not have reverse dumping taking place in the Eurozone – to the detriment of countries that are in crisis – while financially safer countries accumulate deposits. The ultimate criterion of depositors is not interest rates, but a sense of security.
The third area is protection of European borders and management of immigrant flows. Funding has to be provided here so that we can forestall humanitarian disasters like the one in Lampedusa. So we need cooperation with countries of origin. A system for monitoring coastlines on the non-European side of the Mediterranean, with the cooperation of the non-European Mediterranean countries. And all of this has to be done within the framework of international law, with respect for human rights.
The fourth, horizontal priority is a comprehensive maritime policy that brings together the security of maritime borders, blue development, energy, fisheries, tourism, protection of undersea archaeological wealth, and maritime zones. This is linked to other initiatives of ours, as well, like the declaration of the Adriatic-Ionian EU Macro-Region, or the Trans Adriatic Pipeline’s covering of the needs of the Adriatic countries.
At the same time, however, our general priorities also include the Southern Neighbourhood, given that the European Union needs to promote its cooperation with the Arab countries of North Africa and the Middle East.
JOURNALIST: Is Greece currently in a position to exert influence in Europe?
E. VENIZELOS: The fact that Greece is in an adjustment programme and in open negotiations with the troika does not impact our ability to take initiatives. The country is not and will not be dictated to. I have often said that, throughout these years, there has been no pressure on Greece regarding foreign policy issues or our national issues.
Beyond that, we are assuming the six-month Presidency of the Council of the EU, as provided for in the treaties, as a member state that is participating in a “court” with huge problems, with very unfavorable power relations. However, there is no better alternative.
What is important is that Greece – after six years of recession and three-and-a-half years of deep crisis, ongoing negotiations and pending issues – is exercising the Presidency. Greece is an institutionally equal member state that will direct and represent the work of the Council of the EU. This is very important. And where it can, it will table issues that concern us; that are linked to overcoming the crisis, exiting the memorandum, rebuilding Greece’s real economy.
JOURNALIST: What opportunities are opening up – through the Hellenic Presidency of the EU – for the EU, on the one hand, and for Greece?
E. VENIZELOS: As I said earlier, the Hellenic Presidency has clear European political priorities – not national ones. But the great challenge for the EU is to be able at some point to identify the national interest of each member state with a single European interest, which isn’t easy to consolidate and, mainly, isn’t easy to promote to the societies and peoples of the EU.
In this context, the Greek Presidency is moving in the four areas I set out for you – four areas that are of huge importance to Greece, but also to the EU. For example, there is the conference with the Foreign and Development Ministers of the Arab League that we will be hosting during the Greek Presidency. This is because we attach very great importance to the EU’s relations with the Arab League, and, to a great extent, this is also linked to our national priorities vis-à-vis, for example, Egypt, where we have invested a lot of work.
JOURNALIST: Is the EU enlargement endeavor being maintained in substance? And on the other hand, are countries in the region still as anxious to join?
E. VENIZELOS: For many countries, the prospect of accession to the European Union is a fundamental strategic choice. This is the case for all the countries of the Western Balkans, the Euroatlantic perspective of which we strongly support. This also holds true for FYROM, under the condition of the resolution of the name issue in accordance with international law and good neighbourly relations.
The Union is obviously cautious about further enlargement, but enlargement policy and the neighbourhood policies – Southern and Eastern – are firm axes of its policy.
JOURNALIST: There is the sense that a kind of ‘stand-by’ is in effect on national issues.
E. VENIZELOS: I don’t agree with that sense at all. On the contrary, on all our foreign policy fronts, and particularly regarding our national issues, the government reacts to constantly shifting conditions, making the necessary moves, taking initiatives that are part of a strategic framework.
As for relations with Turkey, this past September we held the 55th round of exploratory talks, giving us the opportunity to put forward in a clear manner our approach regarding the framework of our relations. I am now awaiting reciprocation of my visit to Ankara, with Mr. Davutoglu’s visit to Athens.
Regarding the Cyprus issue, we are in full coordination with the Cypriot government, and we fully support President Anastasiades’ efforts for a joint communique that will constitute a clear frame of reference and firm foundation for the negotiations. The goal is to achieve a just and viable solution based on the UN Security Council resolutions, with respect for the European acquis. A solution that provides for the transformation of the Republic of Cyprus into a bizonal, bicommunal federation with a single international personality, a single citizenship and a single sovereignty. As solution that can be accepted by the Cypriot people in a referendum.
On the FYROM name issue, we have made clear in to all sides – to partners, to allies, to the leadership in Skopje, to the UN special envoy, Matthew Nimetz – the kind of solution that Greece would be prepared to accept: a compound name, erga omnes, with a geographical qualifier that qualifies the name of the state, and not the form of government. A compound name for all uses.
At the same time, we are working ceaselessly to resolve a number of other problems that are as important for Greek society and the development of the country as are our national issues in the narrow sense. Such issues include, for example, the handling of illegal migration and the delimitation of maritime zones in the Eastern Mediterranean.
November 29, 2013