Main points:
· “For a start, I think that it is safe to say that although there are certain similarities between what is happening in each of these countries that make the events appear as a “snowball”, each individual situation has its own particularities and certainly also differences. A common thread that is apparent in all is the call of the people for change. Change in systems of governance, change in social and economic policies and, of course, change that will guarantee the advancement of universal freedoms, liberties and fundamental human rights.”
· “The processes for change will undoubtedly differ from country to country. The distinct political cultures in each will, to large extent, determine both the scope of political and economic reforms, but also the pace of these reforms. Challenging the leaderships and systems of governance will be a long drawn-out process, and its repercussions on other Arab countries will be significant and long-term. If the “democratic”, if you want, experiment succeeds in Egypt and Tunisia, both on political and economic level, then the pressure on other countries will increase with geometric progress.”
· “While violence and the killing of innocent people in any shape or form cannot be condoned and will not be tolerated by the international community, as proven also by the recent unanimous adoption of Security Council resolution 1970 regarding the situation in Libya, it will essentially be up to the people themselves to decide freely upon the future that they aspire to. This will be and should be an inherently internal affair of each country concerned. And let me once again, strongly condemn violence and use of force against innocent civilians in Libya, that we witnessed, and let me call once again for an immediate end of the atrocities and respect of human and fundamental rights and of the legitimate demands expressed by the people in Libya. The international community must also show decisiveness in the quest for punishment of those responsible for this violence.”
· “Equally important in this respect, is for the international community not to lose sight of the Palestinian question during this period of turmoil in the Arab world. The shifting sands of the region have the potential of turning into a full blown desert storm if we turn our backs on the Peace Process, or if we allow it to be put on the back burner.”
· “The Euroatlantic partners and Allies have to be prepared for all eventualities, but, most importantly, we need to be prepared to respond effectively and in a timely manner to requests for a variety of assistance that may emanate from these countries themselves.”
· “In finalizing the measures to be taken, particular attention must be given the principle of ownership. Consequently, our actions should be guided by respect of the dignity and the sensibilities of our Southern neighbours and partners. We should not forget that this transformation was initiated by the peoples themselves and our main goal should be how best to support them in developing their own way towards democracy.”
· “I also wish to underline another important aspect of the recent crisis in North Africa and, in particular, that of the subsequent migration flows towards the EU. And Greece, being at the external borders of the EU and in immediate geographic proximity to this area, will be among those Member States to be directly and seriously affected. Given the fact that the problem is not just a Mediterranean one, but a European concern, we should be pre-emptive before the situation escalates further. And let me stress once again that no single EU Member State can or should carry the burden alone. It is an issue for Europe as a whole, so cooperation and the obvious solidarity amongst EU partners is necessary and also expected. And may I also say that it is a moral obligation by the EU and EU partners.”
Complete transcript of the Minister’s presentation:
Mr. President of the Hellenic Parliament,
Mr. President of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly,
Mr. Chairman of the Mediterranean Special Group,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Distinguished guests,
You will allow me to speak and address you in English, for purely practical reasons. A warm welcome to Greece, to Athens; it is a pleasure and honour to host you here, certainly in times of challenges for Greece, for the Greek people, but allow me also to say that your presence here today and the topic chosen for the seminar, I think it’s evidence for the special role of Greece, especially in the region. A lot has been written and said over the past weeks regarding the events in the southern Mediterranean. Many have compared the events unfolding in the Arab world with those in Eastern Europe in 1989 and with the collapse of the Soviet Union, which ushered in a new era in international affairs.
And while comparisons with past events in history may serve analysts around the world in trying to predict what the future will hold for our southern neighbours, we, as practitioners, must look beyond the rhetoric and the various narratives and, examine, as best we can, what these events will mean for the region and how they may or should affect our policy making in this regard.
As Minister for Foreign Affairs of a country very close to these events, I am compelled to view the situation from many different angles and on varying levels of analysis.
For a start, I think that it is safe to say that although there are certain similarities between what is happening in each of these countries that make the events appear as a “snowball”, each individual situation has its own particularities and certainly also differences.
A common thread that is apparent in all is the call of the people for change. Change in systems of governance, change in social and economic policies and, of course, change that will guarantee the advancement of universal freedoms, liberties and fundamental human rights.
The processes for change will undoubtedly differ from country to country. The distinct political cultures in each will, to large extent, determine both the scope of political and economic reforms, but also the pace of these reforms.
Challenging the leaderships and systems of governance will be a long drawn-out process, and its repercussions on other Arab countries will be significant and long-term. If the “democratic”, if you want, experiment succeeds in Egypt and Tunisia, both on political and economic level, then the pressure on other countries will increase with geometric progress.
While violence and the killing of innocent people in any shape or form cannot be condoned and will not be tolerated by the international community, as proven also by the recent unanimous adoption of Security Council resolution 1970 regarding the situation in Libya, it will essentially be up to the people themselves to decide freely upon the future that they aspire to. This will be and should be an inherently internal affair of each country concerned.
And let me once again, strongly condemn violence and use of force against innocent civilians in Libya, that we witnessed, and let me call once again for an immediate end of the atrocities and respect of human and fundamental rights and of the legitimate demands expressed by the people in Libya. The international community must also show decisiveness in the quest for punishment of those responsible for this violence. After all it is violence against humanity.
What is needed on our part on a diplomatic level is to be supportive of requests for assistance by these countries, without pompous statements or, and this is very important, without patronising tendencies, but in a spirit of true cooperative partnership.
At the same time, we need to try to examine the extent to which the people calling for internal changes within their countries will also call for changes in the external relations of their countries. In other words, should we expect a “paradigm shift” in these countries’ foreign policy orientations and, if so, in what direction?
The evidence so far is that the forces calling for change do not appear to be seeking an overhauling of their international affairs. They seem to acknowledge and embrace the need to pursue regional peace and stability and to forge even closer ties between them, possibly also through a revamped Arab League.
There may be countries in the region or beyond which may seek to exploit the current volatile situation in order to make individual gains in the quest for regional influence.
My sense, however, is that the people calling for change, and in the name of those that have already lost their lives in the struggle of “freedom versus power”, will not readily accept the replacement of one hegemon by another, whether this be internally or externally.
Equally important in this respect, is for the international community not to lose sight of the Palestinian question during this period of turmoil in the Arab world. The shifting sands of the region have the potential of turning into a full blown desert storm if we turn our backs on the Peace Process, or if we allow it to be put on the back burner. Israel’s sense of security will be seriously tested over the next few months, and I believe we need to send also to Israel the necessary messages during this time of turmoil in the region. Also a message both of understanding and support wherever necessary, but also of encouragement to make much needed bold steps in the Peace Process. Regression in the Peace Process will play into the hands of those who will seek to radicalize those forces calling for change and who will encourage them to direct their rage towards an external enemy. This has been done too often in the past, with devastating consequences as we have seen.
The Euroatlantic partners and Allies have to be prepared for all eventualities, but, most importantly, we need to be prepared to respond effectively and in a timely manner to requests for a variety of assistance that may emanate from these countries themselves.
Now is the time for a comprehensive approach, but with targeted actions depending on the specific requirements, characteristics, and needs of each one of our southern neighbours.
The EU has already initiated a serious dialogue on how best to assist those countries in transition and stands ready to adapt its support, taking into account their requests and specific needs. And in this context, the European Council has invited the EU High Representative to develop a package of measures and to adapt the EU instruments in support of the region. And myself, and this was followed also by some other colleagues of mine in the European Union, we have spoken of the need to have a European national plan for the region, if you want.
Greece strongly believes that the EU should reaffirm its role as a full scale partner to its neighbouring countries. In this respect, it is absolutely imperative to reassess all the tools at our disposal, in order to maximize the impact of our sanctions. Sorry, of our actions, we are not so... we are not at this stage yet. So, in order to maximize the impact of our actions.
We also have to be ready to readjust our policy, so as to put forward a new partnership. And in doing so, our approach should be holistic. We should be able to offer to our Southern Partners a comprehensive and effective package, which will support them in creating a solid basis upon which democracy can really flourish.
Emphasis should be laid upon support of civil society and institution building, while promoting, at the same time, economic and social development in the countries in question.
Democracy and institution building on one hand and socio-economic development on the other are inextricably linked and should be pursued in tandem.
And here, I would like to mention a proposal that has the full support of Prime Minister George Papandreou entailing the establishment of a “Centre of Democracy” if you want, here in Greece. As you know, Greece is the birthplace of democracy and the principles and values of our ancient forefathers have resonated throughout the world. We believe that we can build upon this heritage, as well as upon the powerful symbolism, in order to create a forum which will bring together the younger and upcoming political players of the region with their counterparts from the Euroatlantic area and around the world, and give us all the opportunity to exchange views and to learn from one another on how democracy may develop and flourish both within our societies but also between them. And to be clear, this is not about patronizing or imposing one’s will to anybody, we believe that Greece is a long standing partner, with traditional ties and relations of mutual understanding and respect with the Arab World, Greece has, I dare to say and I deeply believe in this, a credible voice in the region, so Greece will live up to its obligations vis-a-vis the region and Greece can and will play a special role, this of a credible and reliable partner for the countries and the peoples of the region. And I think that Greece’s role in these developments, and especially with developments in Libya, has been shown by the important role it has taken over and as already our speaker of the Greek Parliament has mentioned, in the evacuation of civilians from third countries, from Libya, we had the request for instance by countries like China, to assist in the evacuation, using our island Crete, as a hub if you want, for this evacuation plans.
Ladies and gentlemen,
I know that the tasks at hand may present daunting challenges given also the economic and financial crisis the world is faced with. However, new and additional resources are necessary in order to avoid a serious economic and social downturn in the area, with even worse global repercussions.
In finalizing the measures to be taken, particular attention must be given the principle of ownership. Consequently, our actions should be guided by respect of the dignity and the sensibilities of our Southern neighbours and partners. We should not forget that this transformation was initiated by the peoples themselves and our main goal should be how best to support them in developing their own way towards democracy.
I also wish to underline another important aspect of the recent crisis in North Africa and, in particular, that of the subsequent migration flows towards the EU. And Greece, being at the external borders of the EU and in immediate geographic proximity to this area, will be among those Member States to be directly and seriously affected. Given the fact that the problem is not just a Mediterranean one, but a European concern, we should be pre-emptive before the situation escalates further. And let me stress once again that no single EU Member State can or should carry the burden alone. It is an issue for Europe as a whole, so cooperation and the obvious solidarity amongst EU partners is necessary and also expected. And may I also say that it is a moral obligation by the EU and EU partners.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Since this seminar is being held under the auspices of NATO’s Parliamentary Assembly, I would be remiss not to mention Greece’s valuable contribution, as a NATO Ally, to the promotion of NATO partnership policy in the Mediterranean and in the Gulf areas.
Greece has been and is at the forefront of efforts to establish and strengthen NATO’s Mediterranean Dialogue with seven Mediterranean states as well as the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative with four Gulf states.
I cannot stress how important these frameworks are for promoting and ensuring security and stability in the region. First of all, they provide a forum where a constructive security dialogue can be held both between NATO and each Partner separately as well as between NATO and a group of Partners multilaterally. Secondly, they offer practical cooperation activities in various security related matters. And thirdly, they allow Partners to participate in NATO peacekeeping- related operations.
The value of NATO’s partnerships was underlined also in the new Strategic Concept which we adopted during the recent Lisbon NATO Summit and which envisages the substantial enhancement of the Alliance’s partnership policy and the upgrading of its instruments with all Partners, including those in the Mediterranean and in the Gulf.
This means we will proceed with the strengthening and deepening of the existing political dialogue between NATO and its Partners on critical matters of security. It also means the increased availability of NATO cooperation tools and training activities to the advantage of our Partners in the Mediterranean and the Gulf in areas such as defense reform, combating terrorism, energy security, anti-piracy, non-proliferation of WMD and civil emergency planning. This last activity was just recently highlighted by NATO’s significant contribution in putting out the forest fires in Israel. And in this context, may I refer to one more Greek initiative for the region, about the cooperation of the countries of the region, in combating natural disasters. This is something we, as Greece, have learnt from its own past and the cooperation we established together with our neighbor Turkey, back in 1999 when we had the challenge of the devastating earthquakes in Turkey, and that as you know has contributed to coming closer of our two countries, and the two societies, and the peoples of our two countries. So, having this model in mind, we have proposed an increased cooperation between the countries in the region in combating natural disasters and we will have soon, here in Greece, the first meeting of experts in this respect, and I am deeply convinced that initiatives like this and cooperation like this can tremendously contribute to the peace process in the region, leading to real peace and stability for all of us in the region.
Last but not least, I would like to note the success of the ongoing NATO anti-terrorist naval Operation “Active Endeavour” in the Mediterranean Sea to which Greece is a major contributor and in which a number of our Mediterranean Partners are participating.
In conclusion, ladies and gentlemen, my country believes that NATO policy in the region acts as a catalyst not only for the closer political and practical cooperation between the Allies and the Mediterranean but also for promoting the understanding between our peoples that peace, stability and security are indivisible in the region. This is our common priority which we are all committed to achieving.
Thank you very much for your attention. May I wish you once again successful proceedings for the seminar and interesting discussions, and hopefully also some nice hours in our country, Greece.
Thank you very much.
March 2, 2011