Ms. Sarafoglou: We have Foreign Ministry spokesman Gregory Delavekouras with us. Good morning, and welcome.
Mr. Delavekouras: Good morning.
Ms. Sarafoglou: Let’s start with the result of yesterday’s London Conference on Libya. Mr. Delavekouras will tell us the essential results of the Conference. The operations are continuing and the ultimate goal is for Qaddafi to leave?
Mr. Delavekouras: Let’s start, first of all, from the three goals set for the Conference. The first goal was to reaffirm the international community’s unity on and respect for Resolutions 1970 and 1973. The second goal was continued provision of humanitarian assistance, and the third goal was to move ahead towards the ‘day after’.
Ms. Sarafoglou: Is there total agreement? Because there were some absences from this particular conference.
Mr. Delavekouras: There were in fact some last minute cancellations, which did draw comments. It was important for the African Union to be present at this particular meeting. Nevertheless, we had the participation of the Arab League, the Islamic Conference of Arab countries, and I think we had confirmation, first of all, of the decision to set up the Contact Group, as well as of everyone’s commitment to seeing the implementation of the Security Council resolution on protecting civilians. These are important decisions. This will be a long and difficult process, but we now have a framework for moving ahead in this direction.
Ms. Sarafoglou: Mr. Delavekouras, what is Greece’s position on the anti-government factions and the council they have put together?
Mr. Delavekouras: We believe that now that this political process is starting – and it should move ahead independent of the ceasefire – we believe that a national dialogue should be initiated, an all-inclusive dialogue, for shaping a path towards democracy. Again, it will be a difficult process. There will be disagreements, and I expect we will see them in the coming days, because we are talking about very different actors. But we have clear commitment. We have the international community, which spoke through Resolutions 1973, and we have the leading role of the UN – and that’s important.
Ms. Sarafoglou: Already, Mr. Delavekouras, we see a lot of problems in dealing with the situation. Is there a comprehesive plan for the ‘day after’? And I’m not talking only about the political side of things – who is going to take the reins of the country – but also what is going to happen to all these people.
Mr. Delavekouras: That’s why it is so important for the international community to help with this humanitarian part of the crisis, and that is at the top of everyone’s priorities. I think that the European Union will play a very important role in cooperation with the United Nations. Beyond that, however, we mustn’t go beyond the limits of Resolutions 1973: we mustn’t have an expansive interpretation of this Resolution. The Libyans’ future is in their hands. They will determine how they shape the political framework for their society.
Ms. Sarafoglou: They won’t be influenced? For example, is military coverage the only assistance, their defence by western forces.
Mr. Delavekouras: This is the mission and mandate provided by the UN Security Council, and this is what everyone has to respect.
Ms. Sarafoglou: But will they succeed? Some are saying that there may be a need for ground operations by these forces to defeat Qaddafi’s forces, or for weapons to be given to the rebels so they can fight back, but there are other ethical problems in this case: that you are arming one side in a civil war.
Mr. Delavekouras: A number of questions will arise in the coming days, precisely because there is a constructive ambiguity in some of the decisions being taken. But that is precisely why it is important to insist on the correct interpretation of Resolution 1973, because this is the mandate that has been issued by the international community for a ceasefire and protection of civilians. Don’t forget why this decision was taken. It was taken while Qaddafi-regime forces were outside Benghazi and announcing that there would be a mass attack. There was an immediate need at that time to take this decision, and it is very important that the 15 members of the Security Council – despite differing opinions and difficult negotiations – managed to agree on a common framework.
Ms. Sarafoglou: Any idea when this operation might end? I say this because it is costing our country €6.5 million a month to participate – just in the operations against Libya. These are statements from the Defence Ministry …
Mr. Delavekouras: Right.
Ms. Sarafoglou: So it’s official. So do you have any idea when all this might end?
Mr. Delavekouras: No one can say for sure at this point.
Ms. Sarafoglou: Do you have a sense? Because before the London Conference, we said we might be approaching the end. Now there is the opposite feeling.
Mr. Delavekouras: No, it’s too early for anyone to try to impose a timeframe on the situation we are facing. And I repeat: Let’s not forget what the international community’s mission is. It is to protect civilians. Beyond that, however, it appears that it will be a long and difficult process in Libya itself, for this national dialogue to produce results.
Ms. Sarafoglou: If things go a different way and more reinforcements are needed and requested from our country – I know we have chosen the diplomatic route – but how would Greece react to a request for greater assistance.
Mr. Delavekouras: Greece’s position is clear. From the very outset, Greece argued that we have to seek a political, diplomatic solution. That is where we see things heading – it’s the only way. The operations for protecting civilians will have to continue – that is the international community’s obligation – but we aren’t talking about greater military involvement for Greece.
Ms. Sarafoglou: Yes, but we have moved on from protection of civilians to the need for Qaddafi to leave, at least that is what everyone concluded yesterday. So how will this second part of the operation be achieved? Will air strikes suffice?
Mr. Delavekouras: The second part lies precisely in the hands of the Libyans, as I have already said. The Security Council Resolution does not define how the political situation in Libya should evolve. This is a decision that has to be taken by the Libyan people, with respect for the country’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity.
March 30, 2011