G. GERAPETRITIS: Thank you very much, Mr. Kartalis.
Your Excellency, President of the Hellenic Republic,
Dear friends,
It is a great pleasure and honor to be with you today and particularly to be among two people who have served Greek diplomacy as Ministers of Foreign Affairs and have contributed in building the significant diplomatic capital that Greece enjoys today. Indeed, Greece’s strong international footprint allows the country to play not only a regional, but also an important international role, co-shape the global security architecture, have a say and impose, if you like, the principles of international law, to which we are firmly committed.
In about twenty days, Greece will participate in the United Nations Security Council, while being at the core of the European Union, a member of NATO and while playing a pivotal role in the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, which has essentially been revived after a long time of inactivity. Through a principled foreign policy, Greece has maintained equal distance in all situations, strictly adhering to international law and fully respecting the fundamental principles of the United Nations Charter. As a result, even in conflict zones, we can proudly claim that we have earned the esteem and respect of all the key international actors. We have succeeded in building an excellent strategic relationship with Israel, while also maintaining strong ties with the entire Arab world. Greece has forged major strategic alliances, including defense cooperation with the United States and a strategic partnership with France. At present, we have powerful allies who appreciate our principled stance. Greece will continue to move forward, with this international capital.
In my view, dear Ministers, Greece’s foreign policy cannot be transactional; we should remain committed to our principles. These principles can only be the strict adherence to international law. International law supports countries in times of crisis or tension. Therefore, we always place international law at the forefront of our foreign policy.
I would like to add the following. I know that the two people next to me share this view. We are not afraid. We do not believe that dogmatic inaction will magically lead us to a better position. On the contrary, thanks to Greece's strong position in the regional and international arena, we are committed to moving forward. And this has been proven, especially over the last 16 months, during which I had the great honor of serving as Minister of Foreign Affairs. This is not only because Greece has a say in international organizations, but also because we have addressed issues that have remained unresolved for a long time.
First of all, the Cyprus issue, which Mr. Kartalis mentioned. It is clear that over time, and particularly after Crans Montana, the Cyprus issue was at a standstill, reinforcing claims arising from the “fait accompli” of the invasion and occupation. Thanks to the coordinated initiatives brought forward to the United Nations by Greece and thanks to the improvement in Greek-Turkish relations, we have managed to resume the process for resolving the Cyprus issue. I want to be clear: No problem can be solved without first engaging in a productive discussion, based on fundamental principles. Mr.Kartalis referred to Türkiye’s position in favor of a two-state solution. The two-state solution cannot exist for one simple reason. This solution is something that lies outside the framework adopted by the United Nations, as defined by the relevant UN Security Council Resolutions. Since the UN Secretary-General has the Cyprus issue on his personal agenda, having first appointed his Personal Envoy on Cyprus last year and having already launched the direct discussions under his auspices - with the forthcoming meeting set to include an expanded composition – it is clear that the framework can only be the one defined by the United Nations.
Of course, there is no fear regarding the Greek-Turkish relations either. And to the view that Türkiye always should be treated with caution, the answer is simple. Dialogue does not imply that concessions will be made. There is a false perception that any form of discussion must necessarily involve compromises and concessions. It is the Zurich-London syndrome that haunts us, as Professor, Mr. Venizelos, would also refer to, it is namely the fear of strategic defeat or the fear of political costs. There is one answer and it is a clear one. We will only be able to build good-neighborly relations if we share the will to move forward together. We have established a dialogue that differs from the past. It is not merely a technical discussion, as was the case in exploratory talks, but a genuine political dialogue. Α structured political dialogue based on principles and timetables, such as the Confidence Building Measures, the Positive Agenda and the Political Dialogue.
We never said that we resolved all our disputes overnight or that we have deviated from our fundamental positions. The Athens Declaration of 7 December 2023 underlines that countries retain their fundamental legal positions. On the other hand, it is essential to build on the elements that unite us. And we have indeed taken very important steps. It is evident that the core issue of divergence remains the delimitation of the continental shelf and the Exclusive Economic Zone. We have noted that our starting points differ on this issue. For that reason, we are not yet in a position to proceed with substantive discussions. Greece’s position is that, according to international law, there is only one dispute that can be discussed and brought before international jurisdiction: the delimitation of the continental shelf and the Exclusive Economic Zone. And that could only take place under the fundamental prerequisite of the full and uniform application of the principles of international law, regarding the one and only dispute, and this is our national position.
In my opinion, we must stop thinking that dialogue is always just a pretext. Dialogue is the necessary means towards a solution. The misconception that problems can be solved without discussion, without determination, unfortunately, cannot apply in today's world. We see this every day. The facts are changing at such a speed that politics can hardly absorb them anymore.
Today we are discussing Syria, where geopolitical realities are changing rapidly and the country could potentially change its borders in the near future. Syria is a country where all the major international actors are involved. Today, as we speak, there are 55 armed conflicts around the world. We have an arc that starts from the Caucasus and essentially encompasses the Eastern Mediterranean all the way to Sub-Saharan Africa. We face major common challenges. And for this reason, Greece, with strength, confidence and prudence, will move forward dynamically to resolve these long-standing issues.
To conclude, I would like to say that, today, at a time when our country has built strong alliances, has become an energy hub, and is able to engage in dialogue with key players on equal terms, we have a great opportunity to make a leap forward.
JOURNALIST: I think the most crucial thing at the moment, which has not been acknowledged or touched upon, is what do we do now with the new crisis in the Middle East, where Türkiye seems to be gaining ground on all fronts? Will this affect the Greek-Turkish dialogue? And if so, in what way? I would like to start with the Minister. It is, I presume, the most serious issue he is dealing with at the moment. Mr. Gerapetritis, the floor is yours.
G. GERAPETRITIS: It is one of many issues. Every day there is a new issue that needs our attention. I would like to be clear. A lot has been said on this matter. However, I don't want to get into a debate about the situation. It is apparent that there are tangible results both on Greek-Turkish relations and on the Cyprus Issue.
Everyone is aware that in the last five years there has been an extension of the territorial waters up to Cape Tainaron. In the last five years, we achieved an agreement with Italy. In the last five years, we achieved an agreement with Egypt. In the last five years, we signed the Declaration on Friendly Relations and Good-Neighbourliness with Türkiye. In the last one and a half years we have had zero airspace violations. In the last year, we had the resumption of the talks on the Cyprus Issue. So, let us not talk about missed opportunities.
Let me stress the following. It takes courage. Let us recognize courage where it is due. But we should not have illusions either. It is not possible to start by being in favor of dialogue, with a genuinely consultative attitude; and on the other hand, to make that dialogue contingent on dogmatic accusations. That cannot be the case. We all understand what dialogue means, regarding the complex issues that we need to handle.
Nevertheless, knowledge and wisdom should not lead to nihilism. By that, I mean that both the Cyprus Issue and the Greek-Turkish relations are indeed extremely multifaceted. They are affected by developments. The Middle East obviously affects our geostrategic position. It affects the Cyprus Issue, which is also potentially affected by the migration flows, as a result of the crisis in the Middle East, as well as Greek-Turkish relations.
Allow me to say that the point which has been made, about Türkiye’s growing role, assuming that this is indeed the case, does not worry me. It is still too unclear and premature to make any assessment of the situation in Syria, when there has not even been five days since the new de facto authority took over. It has not been five days since the descent of the organized HTS, which is still designated as a terrorist organization, and its assumption of authority. It has not been five days since the departure of external actors, such as Iran and Russia. So, let’s be prudent before we take stock of any winners or losers.
I would like to say something of higher importance. Neither I nor the government of the Hellenic Republic are influenced by external factors. I have said it as clearly as I could. Our courage, our strength, our current international diplomatic footprint allow us to determine our own policies. Obviously, we assess how all of our neighbors and partners are affected by the crises. Türkiye will probably be affected by the situation in Syria. Türkiye hosts 5 million refugees the vast majority of whom came from Syria. It will obviously be affected. It is one of the actors now in Syria. Assessing the situation does not mean that we are influenced by external factors. We have no such need. That is the reality.
And if you allow me, Mr. Minister, Mr. Kotzias, this sense of strength and weakness is precisely the political psychology that has brought us to this point. Greece is not weak and it is especially not weak today. It is a very strong international actor, co-shaping international politics to a point it has never reached before. Regarding the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, there was indeed a joint candidacy with Türkiye, which I think has had an extremely positive footprint. All 57 member states of the Organization, the only one which encompasses all European states, have been unable for the last decade to set up its institutions, and as a result the OSCE has remained stagnant. It was our joint candidacy that revived the Organization. With the consensus of all actors, including Russia, Ukraine, the United States, Georgia and Azerbaijan. And let me say that it is the position of the Director of the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, and not that of the Secretary General, which carries more weight, Mr. Kotzias.
It is advisable to mention facts. Let's have a look at the charter of the Organization to see which position is the most important one. Before we make any assumptions, let us see who is in charge of monitoring democracy, the rule of law and all security issues in Europe. That is the position we have assumed.
If you will allow me, Minister, one cannot conduct foreign policy on the basis of predictability anymore. Any notion of long-term planning in foreign policy has been lost. As has been rightly said, geopolitical time has been compressed.
What we should do in diplomacy, is to consider all possible scenarios. The "what if" scenarios. Because scenarios that, based on common sense, could be expected to occur in 10, 20 or 30 years, might actually occur tomorrow. Therefore, we gain diplomatic capital by being genuinely prepared. And that is why we are bolstering our international diplomatic standing, so that we can speak to everyone from a position of equality, if not from a position of strength.
JOURNALIST: I would like to make a round of comments, since we have now gotten into these issues, which are very difficult, and we will try to get to the substance avoiding debates related to the different political parties. Before we conclude, and after you have given your opinion on these issues, I would like to ask you about something we have not touched so far, although I think is very important, namely how much does public opinion affect the exercise of foreign policy?
G. GERAPETRITIS: In my opening statement I referred to the general approach on this issue and I was fair to acknowledge the contribution of all governments in achieving today’s diplomatic capital, which allows us to speak from a position of strength. I will repeat it. When you are entering a discussion, whether bilateral or multilateral, it is absolutely preferable to possess a strong diplomatic capital. Foreign policy is like a stock. You sell when your stock is high. This is what I would like us all to remember. But let me say that, unfortunately, at this general approach level, I have heard things - and you will forgive me for saying this - which have nothing to do with reality, and I will only mention a few. I have already referred to the OSCE but I will mention a couple more, because we obviously do not share a common perception. Plain and simple. Mr. Kotzias said that we have neglected the Middle East and the Arab world. Things are clear. Let me explain. Twenty-five days ago, the Trilateral Meeting with Jordan and Cyprus was held. The Minister did not probably notice. In January we have a Trilateral Meeting with Egypt and Cyprus. The Minister has not probably heard. He probably has also not heard that myself... Please allow me to conclude, Minister.
N. KOTZIAS: What did you do regarding Palestine and Lebanon?
G. GERAPETRITIS: I myself have traveled to Palestine on several occasions. We have taken a very specific position in favor of international law, we have voted in favor of all the Resolutions. I myself had the honor, about a fortnight ago, to welcome at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs the Ambassadors of fifteen Arab countries. Some people in our audience know this. All the Arab Ambassadors expressed their gratitude for Greece. I have personally spoke with the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Egypt, Jordan and Lebanon and together with the Prime Minister we will travel to Lebanon. I will also travel to the Arab world. And every six months I have a regular meeting with the Secretary General of the Arab League. These are the real facts. I am not criticizing anyone. Some might think it is a mistake to approach the Arab world. But credit is due for the fact that we have maintained our strategic relationship with Israel, while we also have an excellent relationship with the whole Arab world and the emerging powers. I recall our relationship with India, which is at its highest point, and we hope that very soon we will have tangible results in relation to the India - Middle East - Europe Economic Corridor.
The Balkans. I heard we do not do anything. Let me stress the following. Since 2003, Greece is leading the way regarding the EU accession process of the Western Balkans. We are constantly present in the Balkans and we have an excellent relationship. We have managed to upgrade bilateral issues to a European level. Allow me to give you a simple example on Albania. About a month ago, we opened the first Chapter on the fundamentals of Albania's accession process. How did this happen? By including in the common position of the 27 Member States of the European Union an entire benchmark on the protection of the Greek National Minority, and an entire benchmark on the right to property. Because this is how foreign policy should be exercised. To be able to upgrade one’s issues to the level where the most pressure can be applied.
On the issue of the extension of the territorial waters, the agreement with Egypt and the agreement with Italy, we heard again what we have been hearing very regularly since 2019. That “we did not have time”. We have heard it in so many ways today. But let me also say this: really, look at the progress that has been made on the Cyprus Issue since 2019. When we took over in 2019, when Mr. Dendias, my predecessor, assumed office and now that I have taken over, how much progress has been made? Consider the progress that has been made on the issue of Greek-Turkish relations.
We should have the courage to be truthful. I am not even getting into the issues that concern important components of Greek-Turkish relations. Let us not forget the migration issue in 2015 and 2016 and the difference with the situation today. Today, thanks to the improvement in Greek-Turkish relations, we are able to coordinate in the fight against trafficking networks. That is a very tangible outcome of the cooperation between Greece and Türkiye. Therefore, it must be said that a great effort is being made.
This is important. What is it that the public opinion, the people, the citizens want from the country’s foreign policy? I will state my own opinion, which is my personal one, so I might indeed be wrong. What one expects from the country’s foreign and defense policy is security, confidence and pride, just as one expects prosperity from social policies. I would like to mention that I feel a certain satisfaction in the fact that, when I assumed office 16 months ago, according to the opinion polls, Greek citizens were concerned about national issues to the same extent as they were concernedabout the cost of living, namely at about 35%. Today, that percentage has dropped to 7%. Because what citizens want is security. In a so rapidly changing world, with such great challenges, where there are conflicts raging at just 1000 miles away from us, citizens realize the value of a stable government committed to international law, that applies equal principles for all and is able to provide the desired stability.
Sometimes I feel that public opinion, the people, are ahead of the political system. The people want peace and prosperity in our neighborhood, while politicians, having sometimes the political costs in the back of their minds, are possessed by an unjustified, in my opinion, fear. So let us listen to the people.
December 12, 2024