Dear friends, allow me to say this: asymmetries, which are the main subject of your Conference, are our everyday reality. Asymmetry is the only existing certainty. For instance, I had announced earlier that I would not be able to attend the conference, much to my profound regret, since I was to accompany the Prime Minister on an official visit to China. However, the visit was ultimately shortened, allowing us to be here today. Regrettably though, I must leave you somewhat earlier than anticipated, because we must urgently travel to France tomorrow, where a humanitarian conference on the Middle East will be held on Thursday.
In my view, our era is defined by five crises. Aggression and general revisionism come first, followed by climate change, migration, the food crisis, and the public health crisis. These crises share three fundamental characteristics. The first is precisely that they eliminate certainties. There is no certainty and predictability upon which one can formulate policies. Foreign policy and politics in general are henceforth contemplated on the basis of hypothetical scenarios, rather than facts. The successful Minister or politician, is no longer one who predicts what will happen. Instead, it is the one who provides an answer for all possible scenarios, because no one can predict with certainty what will happen.
The second characteristic that transcends all major crises of our era is their supranational nature. There is absolutely no crisis today that can be geographically contained or confined in one location, hence having a limited spill-over effect. All contemporary crises are entirely transnational in nature.
The third defining characteristic of our time, to my view, is extreme volatility. Please bear in mind that uncertainty and volatility, which is caused by contrasts, are two entirely different concepts. I always use the example of January 2021. On January 6, 2021, the attack on Capitol Hill occurred. An attack called into question a constitutional norm nearly taken for granted in the West. For that reason, it was a truly terrifying experience for everyone, particularly those serving in the institutions. One day earlier, on January 5, the periodic elections for the US Senate were held. In the state of Georgia, in the American South, which is the historical epitome of what we call WASPS (traditionally white Anglo-Saxon Protestants get elected), a black senator, Raphael Warnock, and a Jewish senator, Jon Ossoff, both Democrats, were elected for the first time. That occurred on January 5, only one day before the attack on the Capitol. So, we can see how much volatility is generated by contrasts, creating a tug of war. And of course, all this contributes to underlying inequalities.
Allow me now to project all this inherent uncertainty, and volatility to foreign policy. Our effort, as well as my own, to best serve my country while holding this portfolio is to have principles in our foreign policy. And there are three principles that I have adopted upon instructions from the Prime Minister.
The first one is active diplomacy, meaning the effort to be ahead of events rather than just a bystander.
The last four years have marked precisely this active foreign policy, which is continuing. I would like to remind you of Greek initiatives that have been adopted primarily at the European but also at the universal level. Greek proposals included the Recovery and Resilience Fund, the European COVID certificate, which allowed travel during the pandemic, the gas cap, which was adopted amidst the world’s largest energy crisis; The same applies with the mechanism for recovering excess profits from energy companies, and the EU-migration policy, which is presently finalized under the European Pact on Migration. These were essentially positions tabled by Greece that won over the confidence of the European community, of the European Union, of our family. And as we speak, the latest conclusions of the European Council of October 25-26, are in fact an almost verbatim statement of all the principles that we have highlighted since the aftermath of the terrorist attack of October 7, based precisely on the principles that we had adopted.
The second fundamental value of the foreign policy we pursue is multifaceted diplomacy. Diplomacy is not limited to conventional forms of diplomacy, neither face-to-face diplomacy nor people-to-people diplomacy. It is a diplomacy that adopts new versions of foreign policy, particularly what we call public diplomacy, which refers to the public image of the country, its branding, and how exportable and attractive the country can be, but also, of course, and various forms of soft power. Greece is among the few countries globally with the most robust soft power tools compared to any other country within Europe, but it is also among the first in the world. What is the definition of soft power? That power that is not imposed, but has the ability to permeate the masses. This, for example, can be the power of the Greek diaspora, the power of culture, the power of language, upon which we are increasingly building every day.
To conclude with our third fundamental position, which is diplomacy based on principles. I always say, our foreign policy is not conjuctural. We will not be affected by an unexpected incident in terms of the basis of our foreign policy. Our foreign policy is not transactional. We will not engage in a logic of exchanging for the benefit of our country; our actions are guided by principles, and they are by no means opportunistic.
One might argue, “Shouldn’t foreign policy include elements of opportunism or transactions that benefit our country? Our view is that it is our country’s sincere and consistent attitude that gives it a powerful, very strong position in the international arena. The impression I have gained, and I say this in full knowledge, now that I am present in all international fora representing Greece, is that the international capital we have acquired is disproportionate to the historical power that we have in the modern world. What are we doing about it? Confidence, commitment to International Law, faith in and adherence to the consultative principles of foreign policy.
Impressively, Greece is a candidate for a non-permanent seat on the Security Council for the 2025-2026 term. This effort is being spearheaded on behalf of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs by the Ambassador, Ms. Theofili, who is here today. The slogan our country has adopted to promote this candidacy is quite interesting - it is the three Ds, which precisely incorporate this very essence of consultative democracy and foreign policy. Democracy, Dialogue, and Diplomacy; three words that echo Greece; they are of Greek origin, they all have been adopted by all languages throughout the world. More importantly, they express our own identity.
We are deliberative. We believe in principles, democracy, dialogue, and diplomacy. In all circumstances and crises, we apply a multifaceted, proactive foreign policy based on these principles. We implement it in the case of Ukraine, in the Middle East, wherever a crisis has occurred, as well as in the European family.
In the Middle East, we face a crisis that might be described as one with the potential to spread and become uncontrollable. Looking back at Greece's response to the Middle East crisis, the following can be seen: I had the opportunity to attend EU-GCC Ministerial Meeting in Oman the day following October 7. It was there, on the day after the terrorist attack, that we formulated our basic position on the Middle East, which has remained unchanged to this day. What did we say in brief? That we must differentiate between the Palestinian people and Hamas, a terrorist organization. We should recognize Israel's right to self-defense within the limits set by international law, and the principle of proportionality.
We remain committed to the basic solution adopted by the UN Security Council, namely the two-state solution based on the 1967 territorial borders, with East Jerusalem as the Palestinian State's capital. Since the beginning of the attack on October 7, we have proposed a de-escalation plan, which encompassed the aforementioned points, and which has been fully endorsed by the European Union and is the content of all the declarations today: Firstly, condemnation of any form of terrorism, and inhumane treatment. Secondly, the protection of civilians. Thirdly, security, so that humanitarian aid can be delivered continuously, through humanitarian corridors. Fourth, immediate release of the hostages, and fifth, an international conference must be convened to discuss the tragic situation in the Middle East. This stance has enabled us to speak consistently and honestly today and be respected by both sides, including Israel with which we maintain a strategic relationship and the Arab world since a principled stance is always rewarded.
Nobody can blame you for adopting a principled stance. Greece was, as you are aware, among the first countries to dispatch humanitarian aid to Gaza. Yesterday, a shipment of medical supplies arrived in Sinai and through the Rafah crossing point to Gaza. Greece is at the forefront of humanitarian aid, participates in all discussions about the establishment of a humanitarian maritime corridor, and can currently provide good services to all. We were among the few European countries in Cairo with the Arab world. We have travelled to Israel to show our support for Israel, as well as the limits that Israel must have. Of course, we will travel to Paris on Thursday for the humanitarian conference, and on Monday, we will attend the Foreign Affairs Council, specifically on the Middle East, with a focus on the images of Israel and Gaza that have troubled us all over the past month. Of course, we must condemn what occurred in the terrorist attack on October 7, but we must also realize that what is happening today in Gaza has gone beyond the necessary limit. There is the right to self-defense, but how that right is exercised is also important.
I am sure you are all eager to hear about Türkiye. I paid close attention to what the distinguished, friend Mr. Michaelides and his colleagues stated on the panel. Regarding Türkiye, I would like to emphasize that it is not necessary to agree with others’ perspectives in order to communicate with them. We all recognize that when we are tenants in a building, we do not all have to share the same beliefs in order to solve problems regarding security, cleaning, or supply. Therefore, we all understand that we don't have to agree on everything, but we do have to engage in discussion.
Under the mandate of the Prime Minister, my approach to the Türkiye issue currently consists of six basic principles. The first principle, we have to talk to our neighbours. As the Prime Minister frequently points out, geography has placed our country next to Türkiye. This is something that cannot be changed. However, on the other hand, we have to deal with it. We must be honest.
Second principle, our guide remains International Law and so I come back to the issue of foreign policy based on principles. If you use international law selectively every time international differences arise, you will eventually be confronted with your own past. You will be justified, though if you are consistent in implementing International Law. Perhaps a little later, but you will be justified.
The third significant point is that issues of national sovereignty are off the agenda. Any matter concerning national sovereignty will never be discussed.
Fourth principle: safety valves, or decompression valves, must be in place to prevent tension and crisis from escalating whenever a difference or disagreement emerges. I feel that we have achieved this to a sufficient degree. Perhaps, sometimes, we, the two Ministers, need to talk in order to resolve minor political issues, but, perhaps, this is the way to resolve anything arising peacefully.
Fifth principle: the lengthy period of calm that we are currently witnessing, approximately 10 months of calm over the Aegean, is an achievement in itself. It is extremely significant to talk about a peaceful climate in our neighborhood; this was not always the case, and we are now able to enjoy it.
Finally, inaction, in my opinion, does not foster peace and prosperity. Sound judgment and bravery in decision-making promote peace and prosperity.
At some point, those who exercise official authority must realize that they are not the owners of this authority but rather its trustees. It is crucial to include future generations in policy-making. My predisposition is, under the mandate of the prime minister, to courageously address issues that have been plaguing us for decades. We do not set utopian goals, we are positive, we have cautious optimism, and we are moving forward step by step. However, our resolve is to tackle issues in such a way that the generations to follow will inherit a more secure homeland and a prosperous neighborhood.
With these words I would like to thank you warmly before giving the floor to the Ambassador and our dear Professor, and to wish you all the best.
November 8, 2023