Thank you very much, Madam President. Distinguished Members of Parliament, Ladies and Gentlemen, I sincerely appreciate your presence today. I consider it my obligation to participate in this Committee. I hold the conviction that this interaction between the Government and the Parliament is essential-not solely for purposes of keeping the latter informed but principally because I, personally, conducting foreign policy on behalf of the nation, aim to be well acquainted with the Parliament’s and the political formations’ perspectives. This understanding is pivotal so that we can shape a foreign policy that is as inclusive as possible, reflecting our national interests with greater clarity and comprehensiveness.
Regarding the crisis in the Middle East, in particular, I want to express that there is considerable concern. This concern derives from the fact that the situation has long exceeded the scope of a regional crisis and now constitutes a crisis of global dimensions. It is a crisis that could alter the strategic dynamics of other nations and, in any case, creates immense, far-reaching repercussions regionally, internationally, and of course, for Greece. Our stance on the Middle East issue has been very consistent from the very beginning, rooted firmly in the core tenets of International Law.
We have endeavored to adhere strictly to these principles, without concessions and without addressing the vast issue of the Middle East in a transactional manner. We have stated from the beginning that Israel has the right to defend itself within the limits of International Law and, in particular, International Humanitarian Law. There should be immediate care for the civilian population. Civilians must be released in every instance, as such an affront to human dignity is inconceivable. A substantial number of humanitarian corridors should be established to facilitate the continuous and unhindered flow of humanitarian aid and the restoration of essential infrastructure for the citizens. Lastly, an international conference should be convened to address the future of the Middle East.
On the basis of these general principles, our assumptions were as follows:
First, Hamas, the terrorist organization responsible for the flare-up following the events of October 7th, should neither be confused nor equated with the Palestinian people, who are currently undergoing a very great and difficult ordeal.
Second, Greece's attitude will remain open and will maintain a principled stance towards all parties involved. For this reason, today Greece, through its foreign policy has the ability to converse with all parties with integrity, dignity, and prudence, and have a significant say in the unfolding events. I will discuss more extensively later the role of Greece in the developments in the Middle East.
Our third and primary position is that International Law and the resolutions of the UN Security Council must be observed. I remind you of the consistent Greek position that the Palestinian issue should be resolved on the basis of the United Nations Security Council resolutions for two states based on the 1967 territorial borders, with East Jerusalem as Palestine’s capital. It is on the basis of these principles and assumptions that we come here today. And I will try to highlight what the current situation is and what prospects are opening up, bearing in mind that a prudent foreign policy must be able to navigate through all potential scenarios. This is our stance.
We are meticulously working through all possible scenarios, from the most benign to the most severe, to ensure we can respond with swift reflexes. There are, I believe, three levels we should evaluate. The first is the humanitarian level. The second is the operational—what currently exists on the ground. The third is the political: namely, the processes that could potentially lead to a stabilization of the situation in the Middle East.
Regarding the humanitarian aspect, from the outset, there has been a significant endeavor, including on our part, to establish more humanitarian channels. Today, it is universally acknowledged that a serious humanitarian crisis exists. Each passing day generates conditions that exacerbate the humanitarian, the food and health crises further. It is of paramount importance that we open as many humanitarian corridors as possible.
The needs are immense and obviously cannot be met by the limited capabilities provided by the two entry points. An effort was made to create a permanent humanitarian maritime channel linking Cyprus directly with the coasts of Gaza. This channel has not been activated, primarily for technical reasons. I remind you that Gaza lacks a safe harbor for a ship delivering humanitarian aid to dock. Moreover, this was a solution that the Palestinians themselves did not prefer, having broader concerns about such a humanitarian corridor.
The discussion on humanitarian issues currently focuses on two levels. The first is the further opening of humanitarian entry points. The most important of these entry points, which the Greek government is also pressing for, is the opening of a humanitarian corridor in northern Gaza, that is, on the southern side of Israel, with the activation of the port of Ashdod in Israel and then directly to northern Gaza. There are, however, other entry points that should be opened and equally serve humanitarian needs.
The second is, of course, beyond the swift delivery of all necessary commodities into Gaza, namely food, water, and medical supplies, to restore basic infrastructure as soon as possible. At present, the basic infrastructure has been severely damaged and must be restored. They are vital for the people and their fundamental needs—for their health primarily—namely, energy and water. So that the citizens currently there, who have been compressed into an even smaller strip, mainly in the southwestern part of the Gaza Strip, can survive under tolerable and dignified conditions. Therefore, at this moment, a significant effort for humanitarian empowerment is underway.
The second level is operational. The primary objective since the onset of hostilities, and as time progressed, was certainly to achieve a definitive cessation of all acts of violence. More important, however, was to prevent the spillover of hostilities. Any spill-over effect potentially harbors risks for a comprehensive flare-up in the region, making the area exceedingly asymmetrical. I wish to highlight that a positive aspect from the beginning was the fact that Arab countries, such as Jordan, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia, demonstrated significant restraint in their approach. These nations were quite moderate and attempted to find substantive solutions to the issues without exacerbation or a more radical disposition. This helped to contain the flare-up as much as possible. However, in recent weeks we have noticed a significant spill-over of hostilities.
We witness either single incidents or more specific operational activity involving Hezbollah in Lebanon, especially in South Lebanon and along the border with Israel. We are witnessing Iran’s more active engagement, with the incidents in Syria, Jordan, and Pakistan. And, of course, we see the involvement of the Houthis, who, based mainly in Yemen, target the navigation of the Red Sea, where a very serious problem is identified today.
The issue of flare-up is extremely serious. We all realize what it would mean for there to be active involvement by individual actors who possess very powerful arsenals, including nuclear weaponry. The events of recent days, which targeted American interests, create an even greater complication. And at this moment, restraint and self-limitation are sought by all players, including the United States.
Allow me, if you will, to specifically address the issue of the Red Sea, as it has direct implications for us. Navigation in the Red Sea is governed by the Law of the Sea and the fundamental rule of the innocent passage of all commercial vessels. The Houthis involvement has created a major problem for navigation. In addition to the interventions carried out by Houthi operations on a commercial fleet, the mere threat posed by the existence of the Houthis in the broader region has imposed a significant burden on transit trade. It has led to a substantial increase in the insurance premiums for all ships, escalating the risk and, consequently, the cost of goods. It is worth noting that there is currently a considerable change in commercial maritime traffic from South Africa to bypass the Suez Canal. This, in the short, medium, and long term, will have profoundly negative implications, both for international trade and the fiscal health of nations.
It is noteworthy that the countries most significantly impacted by the war, beyond the obvious ones like Israel and the Palestinian Authority, are currently experiencing a substantial economic recession. There is a serious financial burden, particularly in Egypt, which has seen a tremendous loss of revenue from the Suez Canal, a major pillar of the Egyptian economy, but also in Jordan and Lebanon. Specifically, regarding Egypt, there is a significant economic burden that has fundamentally disrupted the country's finances.
Therefore, the situation in the wider region is extremely fragile, and efforts are being made to limit the spillover of hostilities. Presently, an operation is underway in the Red Sea, essentially managed by the United Kingdom and the United States. This fleet aims primarily to escort commercial vessels and ensure their uninterrupted passage within the region. Greece has declared that it will participate in the operation with a frigate that will serve purely an accompanying and defensive role. This decision has been made and is awaiting finalization at the upcoming Coreper meeting and the European Council. The European Union has decided to establish a European Task Force in the Red Sea, which will accompany and monitor. Greece will certainly be present as well. We all realize the importance of Greece being actively involved in all processes that ensure free navigation.
The protection of the colossal Greek merchant fleet is not the only imperative. It is also of significant symbolism that Greece, as you are aware, as a major maritime power, cannot abandon its commercial fleet. For reasons of symbolism and substance, Greece must be present to protect free navigation, so that it can assert its claims whenever an issue of free navigation arises. This is more or less the current operational situation.
Allow me to proceed to the third level, the political one. Particularly, the part concerning political consultations for the future of the Middle East. At present, a series of peace processes are underway, which are either bringing together certain states or overlapping. In other words, there is not just one peace operation but, I believe, there are several. The most significant of these is the peace effort being made by the Arab countries, namely Jordan, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia.
As you are aware, I had the opportunity to travel to all three countries and hold meetings at the highest level. I met with Foreign Minister Prince Faisal in Saudi Arabia, with King Abdullah and the Foreign Minister of Jordan, and in Egypt with President Sisi and the Egyptian Foreign Minister. We had the chance to discuss the peace plan that the Arab countries will propose to the involved parties. Naturally, this plan has not been fully formalized yet. The fundamental principles of this plan certainly involve the release of hostages still being held, which is a huge problem for achieving a swift de-escalation of hostilities. They involve a ceasefire and also the convening of an international conference to resolve the Middle East issue.
In reality, the Palestinian people should be offered the prospect of a solution so that this peace operation can be credible. As you know, there have been peace efforts in the past during periods of similar or slightly less intensity, which failed precisely because the plan lacked credibility.
At present, the Arab world is actively engaged in a serious peace initiative. A notable part of these efforts, with Qatar's participation as a mediator for Hamas, is dedicated to resolving the hostage situation. I must emphasize that releasing the hostages is not only an essential precondition for meaningful peace negotiations in the Middle East but also a dire humanitarian necessity. It is, in my opinion, utterly indefensible to use human beings as leverage for achieving political or any other ends. Equally intolerable is the alarming toll on civilian lives, with far too many dead or wounded. So, at the moment, peace initiatives are underway.
I wish to inform you that I am in constant contact with both sides. I speak with Israel, with its Foreign Minister, as well as with the Foreign Minister of the Palestinian Authority, whom I look forward to hosting in Athens shortly. Thus, we can convey our assumptions of a peace plan as much as possible. We hope to alleviate tension and to the extent of our ability, exert diplomatic pressure towards a lasting cessation of hostilities, with the ultimate aim of resolving the Middle East issue. To conclude, as it stands, the situation is dire and there does not seem to be an immediate de-escalation. Nevertheless, systematic actions are being taken towards the adoption of a peace plan. These encounters, as I told you, major obstacles, including the issue of hostages and Israel's intervention in Palestine. Understandably, the government of Israel is currently facing intense domestic pressure, not only from the relatives of the hostages, but also from its coalition partners.
The situation is fluid and dynamic. It is our earnest hope that the peace initiatives will prove successful, in the shortest possible time. We are taking very specific actions within the scope of our capabilities. Only a few European countries possess the credibility and impartiality to be able to engage in dialogue with the parties involved and effectively communicate perspectives. Greece is proud to be counted among them. I anticipate further developments in the near future and I commit to keeping you regularly updated about these issues.
Madam President, thank you again for the invitation, and I am open to any questions you may have regarding these matters.
January 31, 2024