Mr. Chairman,
Colleagues,
Our discussion today of the situation in the Caucasus region – a region that is both volatile and, in many aspects, vital to international security, stability and development – has taken on particular weight.
This discussion is taking place literally hours after the events and developments triggered by the decision to recognise the independence of the secessionist regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
This decision was preceded by the announcement that Moscow is suspending its cooperation with the Atlantic Alliance in a number of sectors, including that of carrying out joint military exercises.
At the same time, it was decided that NATO Secretary General Mr. Scheffer’s visit to Moscow – scheduled for this coming October – will be postponed.
These Russian decisions met with condemnation and strong reactions not only from the U.S. and NATO, but also from the EU, as expressed clearly in the French Presidency’s announcement. Greece signed on to this statement, also expressing its concern and dismay at these developments.
Similar reactions have come from the OSCE Chairmanship – which, I remind you, Greece will be taking up for 2009 – as well as many individual states.
What is more, increased activity has been observed in the Black Sea.
Forty-eight hours after the decision to recognise the seceding regions, stances that have been taken and diplomatic intelligence point to the conclusion that at the present stage there is – on all sides – a trend towards controlled escalation of political moves and statements.
Georgia, for instance, decided to downgrade – though not to interrupt– its diplomatic relations with Moscow.
In brief, I would say that in an unquestionably heavy atmosphere, there is tension, but – fortunately – composure on most sides.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is clear that we have entered a new and very critical and fluid period, the length, intensity and broader impact of which is a matter of conjecture for us at this time.
In this environment, the major strategic importance of the regions of the Balkans, the Middle East and the Caucasus is being confirmed.
They are all fragile regions in our immediate and wider neighbourhood. Greece’s position and role are taking on increased weight and importance.
So we have become a focus of interest and, of course, conflicting views are being exposed to us.
The impact of the tensions and competing interests in our neighbouring regions cannot but be felt here in our country.
For these reasons – and particularly in this serious and responsible Parliamentary Standing Committee on National Defense and Foreign Affairs – I believe it to be imperative that we all approach these developments with extreme caution.
- Yes to moderation.
- Yes to composure and an in-depth evaluation of developments and assessment of prospects.
- No to unnecessary haste.
- No to rash words and moves designed to impress constituencies today, with little thought about tomorrow.
In view of the important upcoming discussions in the EU – at the emergency European Council called for Monday, 1 September, by the French Presidency, and at the informal Council of Foreign Ministers that will convene on 5 and 6 September in Avignon – I think it would be useful for me to set out, here in the Hellenic Parliament, our country’s position on these recent developments.
The first thing I want to stress is that in times of tension and uncertainty, in times of turmoil and rough seas, the principal concern of any responsible leadership is to chart a steady and safe course.
This is the mission of the government, first and foremost. But it is incumbent on all political forces to take their responsibility in this regard seriously. Particularly at times like this, there is no room for rabble-rousing.
The building of the greatest possible consensus and convergence of views is an invaluable national asset.
So for there to be a steady and safe course in turbulent times, the country’s foreign policy is based:
- First, on the fundamental principles of, and respect for, international law. This has always characterized the foreign policy we have implemented regarding a number of issues, whether of immediate interest – like the Cyprus issue – or of regional and broader interest, like the Kosovo issue or the Taiwan issue; respect for the One-China principle.
- Second, on our country’s active participation in the European Union, in the Atlantic Alliance and in international organizations, principal among which is the UN, the guardian of international legality.
- Third, on mutual bilateral relations of friendship and cooperation with partners, allies and friends.
We immediately underscored – leaving not the slightest room for doubt – that we will be guided by the compass of what are for Greece two inviolable principles:
- Non-recourse to violence as a means of resolving conflicts, and
- Respect for the independence and territorial integrity of states.
Thus, Greece clearly supported:
- First, that the crisis in South Ossetia should not have started in the first place. Moves and assessments made were clearly wrong.
- Second, that there was an urgent need to end the crisis with the immediate and full implementation of the 6-point plan, which was put forward very promptly by the French Presidency and President Sarkozy himself, and which Moscow and Tbilisi committed themselves to implementing.
Within this framework, we came out clearly in favour of the swift and complete withdrawal of Russian troops and of a return to the status quo ante.
- Third, that immediately following a return to the status quo ante, a substantial dialogue should begin; substantial negotiations on the definitive resolution of the so-called frozen conflicts in the Caucasus.
- Fourth, we pragmatically recognized – because this was in fact the case – that the tense situation taking shape would have consequences for Russian-NATO relations. But at the same time we made it clear that, as the Alliance, we should make use of every channel of and opportunity for communication with Russia, within the framework of the institutionalized dialogue in the NATO-Russia Council.
- Fifth, reaffirming our full support for and commitment to the Bucharest decisions, we took a stance in favour of the territorial integrity and Euro-Atlantic course of Georgia, within the framework of its contribution to regional stability.
- Sixth, when Russia did proceed to unilateral recognition of the secessionist regions, we condemned this particular decision along with the French EU Presidency and in accordance with our full respect for international law and the territorial integrity of states.
- Seventh, in coordination with the OSCE Chairmanship troika, we helped to draw up the decision to send – initially – 20 Observers to the crisis region, and we declared our readiness to contribute to this mission, covering the 10% ceiling that applies to states participating in such OSCE missions.
- Eighth, we put particular emphasis on the humanitarian dimension of the crisis, taking the necessary, relevant actions immediately.
We carried out the first humanitarian aid missions in the very first days of the crisis, via air force C-130s. It was also decided to provide economic assistance in the amount of €100,000, through the UN High Commissioner, for the relief of refugees.
Moreover, additional humanitarian assistance has been programmed and is currently being implemented via contributions to international organizations active in the region, as well as in the form of material aid being provided directly by our country.
Finally, I would like to stress in particular that from the very first moment, the Foreign Ministry took all of the appropriate actions for the safety of ethnic Greeks in Georgia and the South Ossetia region.
So we are implementing a comprehensive, consistent and cohesive policy that takes into account all of the parameters:
- The fundamental and long-standing principles of Greek foreign policy.
- Our obligations as a member of the EU, NATO, the UN and the OSCE.
- Our individual bilateral relationships, and Greece’s particular priorities and interests.
At this point I would like to stress that Greece’s main and overriding interest is for there to be peace, security and stability on its borders, in its neighbourhood, in the wider region, and throughout the world.
Only thus can our special interests be promoted politically and economically.
We are facing a difficult state of affairs, ladies and gentlemen. A state of affairs that requires decisions that are carefully weighed from every perspective.
Our government is doing this, speaking openly and honestly with allies, friends and partners.
And I would like to add here that that these discussions are frequently particularly difficult at this time.
We will honour – in every direction – all of the obligations we have undertaken within the framework I described for you today.
The agreements we made before this dangerous crisis broke out still stand.
Greece has never broken its word.
This, after all, is what makes Greece a trusted ally, a firm partner and a sincere friend.
At the same time, it is also clear that we are very worried and concerned by the recent developments.
We will have the opportunity to discuss all of this in depth with our partners in the upcoming critical meetings in the European Union, and we will come to decisions.
Dear Colleagues,
We are in neither the Cold War nor the post-Cold War era.
The international community is experiencing the fluidity of a transitional era with the emergence of new features that seem to point to a gradual shift in equilibriums.
Especially at such times, countries like Greece find themselves facing new challenges and complex issues, as well as real opportunities.
It is our job to deal with the former and capitalize on the latter.
This is a difficult task.
In difficult times, our government holds to a steady and safe course.
August 28, 2008