Mr. Chairman,
Ladies and Gentlemen Members of Parliament,
From the moment I took up my duties, I stated that my collaboration, as Foreign Minister, with the political parties and, above all, Parliament, would be sincere and systematic.
It has been about two months since I took up my duties. In this time, the activities of the Foreign Ministry have covered a broad range of the basic issues addressed by our foreign policy.
I discussed the major issues concerning the EU with my Austrian counterpart, Ms. Plassnik, who is currently presiding over the European Council, with Enlargement Commissioner Rehn, with the President of the European Parliament, and, of course, with the Greek Commissioner, Mr. Dimas.
We emphasised developments in the Balkans, and particularly the Kosovo issue. You know about my visits to Sarajevo, Belgrade and Pristina.
With regard to Greek-Turkish relations, I had the opportunity for a general exchange of views with my Turkish counterpart, Mr. Gul.
Our relations with the US are undoubtedly an important aspect of our foreign policy. I believe that my recent trip to the US contributed substantially to the further promotion of these relations.
During my recent visit to the United States, I had the opportunity to meet with UN Secretary General Mr. Annan and discuss, in addition to issues concerning the future of the UN, the Cyprus issue and the pending FYROM name issue.
Finally, as you know, I am leaving in a few hours on an important visit to Nicosia. Developments on the Cyprus issue and prospects on this issue will be the focus of my discussions there with the whole of the Cypriot leadership.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I consider it a significant advantage that Greece has achieved broad consensus regarding the basic directions of its foreign policy.
• Firstly, our position in Europe is firm, and our relations with the EU and our other partners must not be static – rather, they should be dynamic, in the sense that we must contribute actively to the shaping of Europe’s future.
• Second, Greece must continue to be an important presence in the Balkans and a basic factor for the political stability, European perspective, and economic, social and general development of the Balkans.
• With regard to Turkey, our choice is continued improvement of our relations based on the regulations of international law and the principles of good neighbourly relations. In this spirit, we support Turkey’s European course, which, however, is based on specific criteria and prerequisites.
• Our main objective is the solution of the Cyprus problem. We believe that the reunification of Cyprus, in a just, viable and functional manner, will be in everyone’s interest and, naturally, in the interest of stability, peace and economic progress in our region.
• We aspire to strong relations of friendship and cooperation with the United States, based on common interests and mutual understanding and respect. The same holds true for our relations with other important countries and with all countries, as Greece implements a firm policy of friendship and cooperation.
• We all agree that Greece must, to the extent possible, maintain a significant presence on the international stage; a political, economic and cultural presence. Within these frameworks, we need a new outlook on international development assistance and aid, and on economic diplomacy, and we will see how our government implements this.
Mr. Chairman,
Ladies and Gentlemen Members of Parliament,
I’ll start with Europe. There is a general perception on our continent that there is stagnancy. The rejection of the European Constitution in France and the Netherlands, the most recent enlargement, the difficulty of reaching an agreement on the budget, and social problems, which have become more intense of late, are creating widespread scepticism.
Add to this the disproportionately limited role the EU plays on the world stage when one considers its economic power, its failure to exploit cutting-edge technologies, the anaemic growth rates of many member states and high unemployment levels, and you have a picture of widespread pessimism.
But Europe has proven that it can weather crises, and remains strong both economically and politically.
This is apparent from its allure for candidate states and the fact that a European perspective is a stabilising factor for all countries aspiring to membership – e.g., the countries of the Western Balkans and Turkey.
There is only one way to confront the EU’s problems: The Union must continue to move forward.
This, however, is not a matter for governments alone. The peoples of Europe must confront this matter. Everyone agrees that there is a “democratic deficit” – that the Union functions in a manner that is complex and distant from its citizens, and that the “language” of Brussels is directed only at bureaucrats. This is the great challenge that the 25 are facing. We must confront this.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
A few days ago, in Rome, the Prime Minister made our need to help our citizens identify with the European Union a priority. He stressed that if the Union does not become a Union of citizens, it will never evolve into a truly cohesive and effective entity.
So we will support all measures aimed at strengthening the Union’s democratic legitimisation before its citizens, whether this means clarifying decision-making processes, simplifying bureaucracy, or strengthening the “identity” of the Union, both externally and at home.
There is a need to establish the Union as a powerful international player, which I believe is, in fact, not incompatible with the sustaining of a sincere and mutually beneficial trans-Atlantic relationship.
I also believe that enhancing our competitiveness is not only compatible with improving social services, but is also the particular strength of the European model.
The really major problem lies in the difference of opinion regarding the final form that the Union will take. Some aspire to its transformation into a real union of states, and other want a loose federation, without strong federal characteristics.
Greece’s objective is the fullest possible European integration. We reject inertia and are in favour of any move that, while serving our interests, leads to European unification.
Ladies and Gentlemen Members of Parliament,
Our Balkan policy is clear and enjoys broad political support: a strong Greece in the Balkans, with a role that stabilises and spurs on development.
We are using our SEECP chairmanship constructively for the Western Balkans, and we have reaffirmed their European perspective. We are continuing to strengthen economic cooperation, and we are exploiting our strong economic presence.
This, ladies and gentlemen, is a critical time for the Western Balkans. Beyond the upcoming referendum in Montenegro, I am referring mainly to the Kosovo issue. Our position is comprised of the following six components:
• The solution must not be imposed, but should be the result of substantial negotiations,
• It must respect international law, as guaranteed by the UN and the relevant Security Council resolutions,
• It must promote regional stability and security, and be compatible with the principles of the EU, given the European perspective of all the countries of the Western Balkans,
• Kosovo must be multiethnic and safe, for all of its inhabitants, who must all enjoy exactly the same rights,
• Progress in the implementation of the standards cannot be assessed following the determination of Kosovo’s status,
• Serbian monuments, Orthodox places of worship, etc., must be protected effectively.
Finally, we want the EU to play a substantial role in the process for the determining of Kosovo’s final status.
It was these positions of ours, with emphasis on ensuring stability in the region, that I stressed at all of my meetings: in the Balkans, at the Informal Council in Salzburg, as well as during my meeting with Mr. Ahtisaari.
I also consider the meeting being held here in our country tomorrow, on the initiative of the Greek Foreign Ministry – between the SEECP and the countries of the Contact Group, on developments in the process for the determining of Kosovo’s future status – to be of great importance.
Ladies and Gentlemen Members of Parliament,
In closing this brief reference to the Balkans, I would like to say a few words regarding the FYROM name issue. Both the Prime Minister and I, in our recent meetings, made our position clear to everyone. We want a mutually acceptable solution.
I remind you that our government has taken action so that the name issue has been included – for the first time – in the political criteria chapter regarding FYROM’s accession to the EU.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Our position on our relations with the US is systematic, dynamic, sincere and crystal clear. Greece is not a self-proclaimed “strategic partner”.
It is a strategic partner, by nature, for anyone who wants to collaborate with a country that has and economy equal to that of many countries in our region, that has invested $9 billion in the Balkans; with a country whose shipping fleet equals 55% of EU tonnage; with a strong democracy in an advantageous geographical position.
Based on this acceptance, which was shared by my collocutors, I set out Greece’s positions on all the basic issues being addressed by our country in our wider region.
Mr. Chairman,
Ladies and Gentlemen Members of Parliament,
Regarding our relations with Turkey, we have managed, during these two years, to transform the issues of particular interest to Greece – for the first time in such a clear manner – from Greek-Turkish issues into EU-Turkish issues. They are now criteria for Turkey’s European perspective.
Our policy toward Turkey is clear: friendly, in favour of Turkey’s European perspective, but with no intention of allowing “deviations” from the principles and rules that hold for all those who wish to accede to the European Union.
As I stressed to my American counterpart, Turkey’s European future is in its own hands. Turkey’s course is being monitored – not just as regards the final destination, but also the individual stages. The full implementation, by the end of 2006, of the Customs Union Protocol is one such stage, as you all know.
The European Union has set preconditions for all candidate countries up until now. Europe’s requirements are the criteria for adaptation to European standards, and are not aimed at Turkey.
So Ankara must recognise that inertia and delay tactics do not help. Unfortunately, Turkey seems not to have realised yet that full compliance with a constructive stance is in its own interest.
And this holds true for its stance regarding Greece. The European framework that took shape following October 3 must be put to use. The obsession with tactics of tension and dispute, such as the threat of the use of force, are not only anachronistic – they are also counterproductive. In fact, in the European environment they lead only to an impasse.
Ladies and Gentlemen Members of Parliament,
I needn’t stress that the Cyprus issue is the number one priority of our foreign policy. We all agree that it must be resolved in a just, functional and viable manner.
Naturally, we bear in mind the proposals of the UN, but we consider the rejection of the most recent plan by the Cypriot people, by such a large majority, impossible to ignore.
Equally impossible to ignore is the fact that Cyprus is now a member of the European Union. So any solution should be consistent with the European acquis; with what is in effect in all the member states of the European Union. While endeavouring to accede to the European Union, it is in Turkey’s interest to understand this reality.
We worked systematically in recent weeks, and in all directions, to make this position of ours clear to everyone.
The last meeting between the President of Cyprus and the UN Secretary General, in Paris, created the conditions for a new momentum in the direction of solving the problem. We don’t want to let this momentum be lost. Today I am starting my visit to Cyprus, and I am sure that we will coordinate our steps even further with the Cypriot leadership.
The policy of Greece and Cyprus extends a hand of friendship to the Turkish Cypriots.
We not only approved the financial protocol, but we are trying to ensure that none of the funding initially provided for is lost.
We support economic assistance to the Turkish Cypriots and the general improvement of their lives – when this is achieved in accordance with the decisions of the UN and without calling the Republic of Cyprus into doubt.
Ladies and Gentlemen Members of Parliament,
The New Democracy government has taken important steps – not to say strides – forward on the issue of our country’s international presence, economic diplomacy and international development cooperation and assistance.
We are evolving into a major energy crossroads. After 13 years, the Russian-Greek-Bulgarian agreement was signed on the Burgas-Alexandroupolis pipeline. Construction has begun on the natural gas pipeline linking Baku, Azerbaijan, Karacabey, Turkey, and Komotini, with its undersea link to Italy.
The interlinking of Greek-Turkish and Greek Bulgarian electricity networks has been completed.
We have systematically developed our relations with the new major players on the international stage – India, Russia and China – and warmed our relations with the countries of the Mediterranean, the Middle East and the Arab world in general. We have done the same regarding the countries of the Black Sea, the Caspian basin and Central Asia.
We have fully upgraded the sector of economic diplomacy institutionally, technologically and strategically, with spectacular results. I remind you of the First Intergovernmental Mediterranean Investment and Development Conference, with the participation of 17 governments, 450 businesses and a significant number of international financial organisations.
I also remind you that for the first time in many years our imports to Turkey increased by 23%, thus reducing our trade deficit by 21%.
There was also our successful chairmanship of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation and the increase of our exports to Southeast Europe by almost 11% in 2004-2005, as against an average increase of 1.12% from 2001-2004. We have also seen the long-awaited, effective activation of HIPERB.
The targeting of new markets – through research, visits, advertising, etc. – such as Japan, China, India and the US, has led to a 19% increase in exports.
Economic diplomacy has at last been rendered a basic parameter of our foreign policy, and our diplomats are now assessed according to their success in this sector.
Finally, ladies and gentlemen Members of Parliament, let me remind you that Greece has played a role in international development cooperation and assistance that is impressive for its size. We reformed the whole system, made it transparent and effective, instituted criteria for transparency, and clarified the terms of cooperation and monitoring for the non-governmental organizations with whom we collaborate. We provided almost 500 million euros to many areas on the planet, making our presence felt in this profoundly humanitarian sector.
Ladies and Gentlemen Members of Parliament,
The advantage of Greek foreign policy in recent years is that the political forces have set out a unified national strategy.
In the past two years, the New Democracy government, with the assistance of Mr. Petros Molyviatis, endeavoured to bring together all the views, unify all the forces, in a joint effort aimed at serving national interests in the most effective manner. That is our basic orientation, and we are endeavouring to ensure consensus in the exercising of foreign policy.
And now, ladies and gentlemen Members of Parliament, I am at your disposal to answer any question you might have.
April 4, 2006